R.W. Johnson

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R.W. Johnson


Born
The United Kingdom

R. W. Johnson is a British-South African journalist and historian. Born in England, he was educated at Natal University and Oxford University, as a Rhodes Scholar. He was a fellow in politics at Magdalen College, Oxford, for twenty-six years; he remains an emeritus fellow. He was formerly Director of the Helen Suzman Foundation in Johannesburg.

He is currently a South Africa correspondent for the London Sunday Times and also writes for the London Review of Books. His articles for the LRB generally cover South African and, to a lesser extent, Zimbabwean affairs.

~http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R._W._Jo...
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Average rating: 3.99 · 644 ratings · 77 reviews · 38 distinct worksSimilar authors
How Long will South Africa ...

4.03 avg rating — 320 ratings — published 2015 — 6 editions
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South Africa's Brave New Wo...

3.85 avg rating — 108 ratings — published 2004 — 7 editions
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Fighting for the Dream

4.31 avg rating — 74 ratings3 editions
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Foreign Native: An African ...

4.15 avg rating — 40 ratings — published 2020 — 6 editions
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Shootdown: The Verdict on K...

3.71 avg rating — 28 ratings — published 1986 — 10 editions
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Look Back in Laughter: : Ox...

3.68 avg rating — 28 ratings — published 2015 — 4 editions
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South Africa: The First Man...

3.67 avg rating — 21 ratings6 editions
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How long will South Africa ...

3.43 avg rating — 7 ratings — published 1977 — 8 editions
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The Long March of the Frenc...

4.33 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 1981 — 5 editions
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Launching Democracy in Sout...

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it was amazing 5.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1996 — 2 editions
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Quotes by R.W. Johnson  (?)
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“The Zuma system resembled a medieval state in which the king or mafia don was owed fealty by mighty barons who paid him tribute and gave him political and military support if needed. Within their own baronies, the barons were almost absolute rulers, exacting tribute from those beneath them and exercising powers of patronage over lower-level appointments. Normally speaking, the king would not interfere with their administration though he did exercise powers of taxation over the whole populace. Only if a baron or his underlings exacted so much tribute as to cause a peasants’ revolt or create major scandal within the kingdom, would the king be forced to act – though naturally, any sign that a baron was no longer loyal to the king would trigger more severe action. The heart of the system was KwaZulu-Natal. Although the ANC there was just as prone to factional feuding as anywhere else, when it came to the crunch it would be bound to support the first Zulu president not only out of tribal loyalty but because of the rich rewards of patronage the province received as a result of its central position. With KwaZulu-Natal effectively sewn up, together with Free State and Mpumalanga, Zuma was invulnerable. Many commentators failed to understand this and, the wish being father to the thought, frequently speculated that the ANC might grow weary of the incessant cloud of scandal which hung over Zuma and decide to eject him, as it had ejected Mbeki. In fact this was quite impossible while the whole weight of tribal loyalty and”
RW Johnson, How Long will South Africa Survive? (2nd Edition): The Crisis Continues

“Stealing has carved a special place for itself in South Africa. It joined lying as co-mediator between the powerful and the powerless. Stealing and lying become a principle of social and political interaction when lying is used ... to justify stealing as a form of social and political activism. This”
R.W. Johnson, How Long will South Africa Survive? (2nd Edition): The Crisis Continues

“For the most part Cosatu is able to use its political connections and the labour laws to preserve a highly protected space for a small labour aristocracy.”
R.W. Johnson, How Long will South Africa Survive? (2nd Edition): The Crisis Continues



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