Small Places, Large Issues: An Introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology

by Thomas Hylland Eriksen

Ranging from the Pacific islands to the Arctic north and from small villages to modern nation states, this concise introduction to social and cultural anthropology reveals the rich global variation in social life and culture. The text also provides a clear overview of anthropology, focusing on central topics such as kinship, ethnicity, ritual and political systems, offering a wealth of examples that demonstrate the enormous scope of anthropology and the importance of a comparative perspective. Unlike previous texts on the subject, Small Places, Large Issues broadens the study to incorporate the anthropology of complex modern societies, thus providing a unique key text for all students of social and cultural anthropology. Using reviews of key monographs to illustrate his argument, Eriksen's lucid and accessible text remains an established introductory text in anthropology. This new edition is updated throughout and includes a new chapter on the history of anthropology. It also shows clearly and comprehensively, through numerous new examples, why classic studies of small-scale societies are relevant for the study of complex phenomena such as nationalism, consumption and the Internet. In this way, the book bridges an often perceived gap between "classic" and "contemporary" anthropology.

Genres: Anthropology, Nonfiction, Sociology, Social Science, Academic, Textbooks, School

352 pages, Paperback

First published January 1, 1995

About the author

Geir Thomas Hylland Eriksen was a Norwegian anthropologist known for his scholarly and popular writing on globalization, identity, ethnicity, and nationalism. He was Professor of Social Anthropology in the Department of Social Anthropology at the University of Oslo. He has previously served as the President of the European Association of Social Anthropologists (2015–2016), as well as the Editor of Samtiden (1993–2001), Norsk antropologisk tidsskrift (1993–1997), the Journal of Peace Research, and Ethnos.
Hylland Eriksen was among the most prolific and highly cited anthropologists of his generation, and had been recognized for his remarkable success in bringing an anthropological perspective to a broader, non-academic audience. In Norway, Hylland Eriksen was a well-known public intellectual whose advocacy of diversity and cultural pluralism had earned both praise and scorn. Right-wing terrorist Anders Behring Breivik, perpetrator of the 2011 Norway attacks, cited Eriksen critically in his manifesto and during his 2012 trial.
In the academy and beyond, Hylland Eriksen had been highly decorated for his scholarship. He was the recipient of honorary degrees from Stockholm University (2011), the University of Copenhagen (2021), and Charles University in Prague (2021), as well as one of anthropology's most prestigious honors, the Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography's Gold Medal (2022). He was a member of the Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters.

Reviews

[Jan-Maat]

For some reason this introductory textbook on anthropology had been on my to read list for a while so when I cam across it for three pounds less a penny at an Oxfam bookshop, I bought it, the other contenders for my coins were Waverley and a collection of R.L.Stevenson stories that were too grubby even for me, not just yellowed but pages sticking together. Naturally what with the state of the currency since Britain's proud assertion of national self control had I had US dollars, Swiss Francs, Japanese Yen or the beautiful Euro I could have had the book virtually for free, but there you go, I suppose if the country abandons decimalisation in favour of returning to Charlemagne's re-imagining of the Roman currency as twelve pence to the shilling and two hundred and forty to the pound few people will have the maths to be aware how much prices are going up which might be good for national feeling.

Plainly if I had got a different book I'd be writing a different review, maybe on a different day. Anyroad, back to this book, consisting of short chapters grouped in no strikingly obvious pattern. One thing that struck me again was the enormous creativity of Karl Marx as a thinker, writing not only that nobody knows where there breakfast comes from, to which you may respond that you are perfectly aware where you get your cornflakes from, but who knows under what conditions, or even if, people work in the cornflakes factory, the labour that goes into growing the maize and the impact that has on the soil and the local ecology. Here Eriksen cites Marx twice as saying the forming of the five senses is a labour of the entire history of the world down to the present, and so one might say there is a tension splitting this book between European idealism and British Empiricism if we acknowledge the non-neutrality of the anthropologist, as observers they are the products of a history of the world they, we, can be barely aware of. So we have a picture of Margaret Mead not as a disinterested observer of Samoan adolescence but as implicit critic of US adolescence. Then we have Levi-Strauss theorising on cannibalism suggesting that those who ate parts of their deceased relatives would boil them, while those who ate their enemies would roast them, showing a very French culinary appreciation, however a later meta analysis of reported cannibalism found no such pattern some roasted and boiled, others baked and their was no correlation between mode of preparation and relationship to those about to be consumed. It's like a second Trafalgar, what theory, however elegant can with stand a broadside of facts? Eriksen further observes that there aren't eye witness accounts of cannibalism, no mysterious one-armed man limps in to the lecture theatre to relate how some people ate his ankle after baking, roasting or par-boiling it, although I felt when he claimed that we could dismiss Spanish accounts of Aztec human sacrifice as mere calumny to justify conquest as though the readers of the Amadis of Gaul needed to justify chivalric adventure that he was throwing the baby out with the bath water.

Naturally a book like this is something of a bouquet of facts or anecdotes that tends against a firm arrangement into a little review, in passing I noted that Trobriand islanders were quite proud apparently of having been the subjects of anthropological study as they felt it enhanced their fame and reputation, he laments the possible disappearance of matriarchal societies while suggesting that new ones are appearing principally among the poor in western Europe and the USA and in the Caribbean,that in Norway it was customary to give as Confirmation presents tobacco and sets of false teeth as a welcome to adult life, the way that loans form the IMF or world bank function as gifts creating a moral relationship between lender and recipient, the alleged absence of Totems in Europe and Asia contrasted with Durkheim's view that flags are totems, the strategies to enhance the status of entire jati (sub-caste groups) in India (pp128-132) and ways of surviving in the modern world for 'traditional' societies - generally by engaging with it, for example the Ainu in Japan Eriksen relates transformed themselves from disliked hairy minority into popular tourism destination - come see our traditional dances and eat our traditional food, view our quaint way of life. How satisfying it is to experience your culture and society as a kind of performance to amuse others I don't know yet, but I wouldn't be surprised if the future economy of Greater England depends on Morris dancing, Wassailing, and the careful application of currently defunct dialect words in conservation.

[gkanorrah · Rating 5 out of 5]

Συμπεράσματα στα οποία καταλήγει κανείς ολοκληρώνοντας το βιβλίο του Εριξεν:
1. Κάποια βιβλία για να σε αφήσουν να τα παρακολουθήσεις σε υποχρεώνουν να ακολουθήσεις μια γραμμή σκέψης η οποία αρχικά φαίνεται ξένη αλλά τελικά αυτό είναι το σημαντικότερο που αποκομίζεις.
2. Η ανθρωπολογία θα πρέπει να διδάσκεται στα σχολεία από το δημοτικό.
3. Κάπου, κάπως κάποιος μαρξιστής του είχε φάει το κορίτσι και ακόμα δε το έχει αποδεχτεί. Οι όποιες λίγες μπιχτες προετοιμάζουν τη παραδοξότητα του επιλόγου της συγκεκριμένης εργασίας. Όταν σε όλο το βιβλίο προωθείς τον πολιτισμικό σχετικισμό και την άποψη ότι οι πολυεπίπεδες αλληλεπιδράσεις των κοινωνιών τις καθιστούν ακανόνιστες και ρευστές δε μπορείς στο συμπέρασμα να αποκοινωνικοποιεις το ρόλο της ανθρωπολογίας και να τον συμπυκνώνεις σε επιστημονικά/ολοκληρωτικά καλούπια. Ο προσδιορισμός "κοινωνική" (επιστήμη) αναφέρεται μεν στο περιεχόμενο, η αιτία της έρευνας όμως προϋποτίθεται πως είναι και αυτή κοινωνική. Είναι παράδοξο να συσχετίζεις (σωστα) την άνοδο των εθνικισμών με τη χειραγώγηση της ιστορίας και παράλληλα να αφαιρεις από την ανθρωπολογία τη πολιτική της διάσταση για τον πολύ απλο λόγο ότι και τα δύο ως εκφράσεις δημοσιου λόγου χρησιμοποιούνται εργαλειακα. Η ίδια η θεωρία του να περιορίζεται ο κοινωνικός της ρόλος στη κατανόηση της ετερότητας και του δικαίωματος στον αυτοπροσδιορισμό είναι μια εξισωτική πολιτική εφόσον μηδενίζεται η αξία των διαφορετικών προσεγγίσεων ως "αξιολογικα φορτισμένων" δηλαδή ίσον άκυρων που ίσον αντίφαση επιστημονικοφανως καμουφλαρισμένη. Από ένα σημείο και μετά βέβαια αυτά είναι ψιλά γράμματα.

[جلجامش Nabeel · Rating 4 out of 5]

This concise introduction to social and cultural anthropology has become a modern classic, revealing the rich global variation in social life and culture. I enjoyed reading it.

1- Anthropology: comparison and context
The inhabitants of densely populated, ethnically complex island of Mauritius avoid violent ethnic conflicts.
Azande of central Africa believe in witches.

Culture refers to the acquired, cognitive and symbolic aspects of existence, whereas society refers to the social organizations of human life, patterns of interaction and power relationships.

2- A brief history of anthropology
Culture or civilization, taken in its widest ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society. Edward Tylor
James Frazer – Golden Bough – demonstrated how thought had developed from the magical via the religious to the scientific.
In “The mind of primitive man”, Boas argued that anthropology ought to be politically engaged on behalf of threatened indigenous populations.
3- Fieldwork in ethnography
The chapter discusses the issue of ethnocentrism, and the claims of links between anthropology and colonialism. It discusses the importance of empirical studies, and the problems we might face in the fieldwork as regards the language or the different costumes and hygienic styles. The chapter emphasizes the issue of being objective and neutral; and to find criteria to estimate the others’ achievements not according to our own social standards.

4- The social person
The self is something, which has a development; is not initially there, at birth, but arises in the process of social experience and activity, that is, develops in the given individuals as a result of his relations to that process as a whole and other individuals within that process. George Herbert Mead
The classification of humanity into races, based on physical appearance, is arbitrary and scientifically uninteresting.
Darwinist linguistic Steven Pinker has argued that language must have been adaptive in proto-human society.
Noam Chomsky regards this view as pure speculation – he sees the issue as a ‘mystery’ rather than a ‘puzzle’.
BaMbuti pygmies in northeastern Congo
What is cultural is always something other than nature, and culture always implies a transformation, and sometimes a denial, of that which is natural.
The five senses were the product not of nature, but of all world history up to the present. Karl Marx
Constance Classen (1993) remarks that the Ongee of the Andaman Islands live in a world ordered by smell, and links the ‘olfactory decline of the West’ with the growth of scientific rationalism.
Classen, comparing three oral societies, the Tzotzil of Mexico, the Ongee of the Andaman Islands and the Desana of Colombia, finds that they have distinct ways of making sense of the world: the Tzotzil order the cosmos by heat, the Ongee by smell, and the Desana by color.
Action
The philosopher Bertrand Russell once said that power is to the social sciences what energy is to physics.
Among the Cuna of Central America, Alfred notes, children do not acquire a proper first name until they are about 10 years of age. Geertz has described naming in Java as an extremely bewildering and complex affair to the outsider, where each person has seven different names pertinent in different situations.

5- Local Organization
Generally, people who violate norms will of course do so without being found out and subjected to sanctions. Further, norms change through time as society changes; some vanish, some are replaced by others, others are reinterpreted, and yet others remain but are accorded reduced importance. Blasphemy, for example, is still considered a violation of a norm in many Christian societies, but it is by no means as serious as it would have been only a hundred years ago. The social power of the church and the symbolic power of Christian dogma have been reduced.
Socialization is the process whereby one becomes a fully competent member of society – where one acquires the knowledge and abilities required to function as a member of society.
Socialization is the chief way in which cultural categories are transferred from one generation to the next; in other words, it secures a certain cultural continuity.
Anomie, a concept developed in Durkheim’s classic study of suicide, refers to that feeling of alienation, which is caused by inability to believe in, or live up to, the values of society. This condition creates a sense of emptiness and meaningless.
Society exists through its institutions; when they cease to function, society changes, sometimes in fundamental ways. After the French Revolution, the monarchy was replaced by a new institutional arrangement in the domain of politics, namely the republic. And when aboriginal Australian societies have been subjected to genocide, displacement or the enforced introduction of wagework and a monetary economy, so that formerly important institutions have ceased to function, these societies have either been dramatically transformed or have vanished from the face of the earth. Note that societies may disappear without their inhabitants necessarily disappearing: they may simply be incorporated into another group or, in the case of many minorities, ‘greater society’. In other words, social institutions may be a highly relevant focus for the study of change as well as continuity.

6- Person and society
The person is a social product, but society is created by acting persons.
Social systems are delineable sets of social relationships between actors whereas social structure (usually) refers to the totality of standardized relationships in a society.
A man cannot enter the same river twice because both man and river would have been changed meanwhile. Heraclitus

7- Kinship and descent
Blood is thicker than water

8- Marriage and relatedness
Many Maasai women regard marriage as a necessary evil.
Levi-Strauss – on how the relationship between the man and his maternal uncle is crucial.
The nuclear family is an important institution in modern societies, and in many such communities’ kinship is decisive for one’s career opportunities, political belonging, place of residence and more.
According to a kinship ideology, it is appropriate to treat different people differently; according to bureaucratic way of thinking, everybody is to be treated according to identical formal rules and regulations.

9- Gender and age
Marx and Engels were thus right in assuming, in the mid-nineteenth century, that there are universal criteria for social differentiation, which are the distinctions between older and younger people, between men and women and between insiders and outsiders, ‘us’ and ‘them’.
Evolutionist thinkers had claimed that human societies went from matriarchy to patriarchy (probably confusing matriarchy with matrilineal kinship), an idea which had not been properly dismissed. Early feminist anthropologists argued, on the basis of ethnography, that such notions, which are widespread among many peoples, are probably myths created by men to justify their own power over women (Bamberger 1974).
Detailed research on nutrition among some hunter-gatherers, notably in southern Africa, nonetheless revealed that the most important source of nutrition are tubers, insects, edible plants, and small creatures gathered by women, while the men’s hunting activities are irregular, uncertain and form no reliable basis for subsistence.
The significant role of women corresponds to their economic contribution.
In modern nationalist ideologies, too, women are often depicted as the passive guardians of tradition and the family, while the men go out to fight for and build the nation.
In parts of the Mediterranean, further, men tend to be considered sexual ‘forces of nature’ and, for this reason, women are themselves seen as to blame if they are raped – they out to be cultured enough to protect themselves from the male, who is allegedly unable to contain his sexual drive.

10- Caste and Class
The cultural needs are created by education: our study demonstrates that all cultural practices (museum visits, attendance at concerts, exhibitions, talks, etc.) and preferences within literature, painting, or music are closely connected with the level of education (which is measured as academic title or number of years at educational institutions) and social origins. (Bourdieu 1979, p. 1)
Differences in taste thereby express ‘objective class differences’. For example, Bourdieu shows that knowledge of classical music is strongly correlated with education and class background, and argues that the very definition of good taste is a manifestation of power, which confirms and strengthens rank differences, as well as giving a certain prestige in itself.
The conflict prevalent is many African societies between age and education.
The French Revolution is often cited as an example of such a change: after this momentous event in European history, the privileges of nobility and royal family were eventually replaced by formal principles of equality and democracy.

11- Politics and Power
Politics is parasitical on other social relationships. M. J. Swartz
This implies that it would often be fruitless to look for identifiable political institutions, which could be compared with, say, parliaments or city councils. Instead, political anthropologists have to look for the political decision-making mechanisms – they must find out where and how the important decisions are being made, who is referred by the decisions, what rules are norms govern political action, how hegemony is challenged, and what possible sanctions the rulers of society dispose of.
One of the oldest and still most influential definitions of power is that of Max Weber, who wrote that it “is the ability to enforce one’s own will on others’ behavior”: that is the ability to make someone do something they would otherwise not have done.
The sociologist Steven Lukes (2004) has suggested that power be studied at three levels. First, it can be identified in decision-making processes, that is, where decisions are actually being taken. This is the simplest perspective on power, which focuses on factual, observable events. Second, power can also be studied by looking at non-decisions; that is, all of those political issues which are dealt with within the political system but which are not addressed explicitly.
The third level on which power can be studied, which Lukes argues is often ignored by social scientists, is that including ‘muted’ or powerless groups, whose interests never even reach the level of negotiations. Such interests lack a voice in public life; they are marginalized and made invisible.
Ideology
Among the Mundurucu, the men justify their power vis-à-vis the women by referring to myths describing how they gained control over the sacred trumpets. In Hindu society, the Brahmins may justify their power by referring to ascribed statuses and sacred texts, while in parliamentary democracies the legislations assembling may refer to the ‘will of the people’ as embedded in election results when they initiate unpopular politics.
The idea that all individuals in modern democracies have the same opportunities to achieve power is often regarded as an ideological misconception.
Ideology is that aspect of culture which concerns how society ought to be organized; in other words, it concerns politics, rules, and the distinction between right and wrong. Ideology is a normative kind of knowledge; it may be implicit or explicit, and it may be challenged.

12- Exchange and consumption
Money is to the West what kinship is to the Rest. Marshall D. Sahlins
In anthropology, the economy may be defined in at least two markedly different ways. One is systemic, and sees the economy as the production, distribution, and consumption of material and non-material valuables in society. The other is actor-centered, and focuses on the ways in which actors use the available means to maximize value.
Karl Polanyi distinguishes between three different principles in the circulation of material goods, or forms of distribution: reciprocity, redistribution, and market exchange.

13- Production, Nature, and Technology
Montesquieu, like many others, held that the main cause of Europe’s technological and scientific advances was the harsh climate, which required the inhabitants to be inventive and sharp-witted to survive.
The human geographer Ellsworth Huntington agued for climatic determination in an original study where he shows, among other things, the statistical correlation between rainy days and book lending at libraries in Boston. In other words, according to this simple model: too much sun appears to make people uninterested in intellectual pursuits.
Thomas Malthus wished to show that population growth necessarily led to impoverishment.

14- Religion and ritual
Rituals always have a desperate and manic aspect. Claude Levi-Strauss
Geertz defines religion like this:
(1) A system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting modes of motivations in men by (3) formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic.

[Kyriaki Gkourgkouli · Rating 4 out of 5]

3.5⭐

A really well written book, which covers almost (?) every aspect of Cultural Anthropology.

[Cara Bell · Rating 4 out of 5]

omg this took such an insane amount of time to read. honestly loved it though and I feel so smart reading it. for someone who’s never studied social anthropology I think it’s a great introduction and gives a really clear overview of the discipline, from its origins to how modern day globalisation threatens to change its own existence. eriksen, while rarely giving his own opinion, comes across a very reliable author who is not afraid to be critical of his own ethnocentric bias and perspectives, acknowledging the inherent flaws of anthropology while presenting a variety of interpretations to keep the reading interesting.

[Jurij Fedorov · Rating 3 out of 5]

Okay intro for highschoolers or total beginners to (cultural) anthropology. But the author is seriously lacking knowledge on some social science areas that could make this book a recommended read. There are much better intro books out there.

Pro:

The language is good. Not super clear all the time but most of his points can be understood if you just think a bit about his words. It also does explain many anthropology topics at a beginner level. Society is social. People are individuals etc. Super simple stuff explained by fancy terms.

Con:

The author seems to not know about or totally misunderstand the nature argument of social settings. He mentions biology and evolutionary psychology but he clearly does not understand these topics. Slightly hypothetical example, he assumes and says that nature is that you get hungry or feel pain. And he says they races, anger, family, friends and other stuff are best explained by nurture or culture. This makes no sense scientifically. How can family and groups exist without inner needs to create and live in these settings? What about race differences? He says that talking about races is mostly a waste of time because they don't exist as such. But then allows nature explanations of race intelligence differences to make up parts of his book. But g factor studies are totally ignored. He picks the studies that prove his personal world view but refuses to even acknowledge the alternative point. I feel embarrassed for the author because this is super simple stuff and should be easy to add to the book. He does say that anthropologists have started to focus a bit more on inborn behavior but he himself has a long way to go too. I feel that him constantly pointing out that anthropologists are new to the whole nature argument and science that support the nature assumptions is just him apologizing for the unfinished book. He can't add stuff to it that he does not understand. Personally I think everything is nature and nurture so I feel that both things should have been part of the book. But alas. This is an intro to one part of the subject only.

Also, he forgets many other things time and time again. He puts very little focus on environment and pretty much talks about culture as something created out of nothing like magic or gods. He also very often "proves" or "disproves" a hypothesis with one single example. One society does not have people who show much anger, ergo anger is cultural. One society has women who take part in the leadership, ergo men and women are the same biologically in that aspect. He does this time and time again and I am baffled by this style of argument. Something I cringe at. And it's a bad example to set for newcomers to this field. Surely it can be presented in a more scientifically rigorous way.

Conclusion:

This is not a recommended intro to cultural anthropology or a recommended book. But I don't regret reading it as it was okay to get some basics refreshed. I just feel that it easily could have been much better. And I don't trust this author anymore. He has time to learn but I won't stick around to see if he actually reads up on stuff and corrects his mistakes in this book.

[Siri Olsen · Rating 4 out of 5]

Okay, I'm going to be honest: this book was my main study book for the year that I studied anthropology at Copenhagen University and that is the only reason that I got it. Also, I only ever read the chapters on our curriculum at the time because I couldn't stand to read anything anthropological in my spare time. Now, however, I finally sat down and read through it and found it a very welcome reunion with the main thoughts and thinkers of anthropology. The book is structured subject by subject, with a chapter on kinship, marriage, social class, politics, economy, religion and so on. It offers a broad, but very useful introduction to anthropological theory as well as a short chapter on anthropological practice, that is, fieldwork. For anyone who are either just getting started in anthropology, such as myself when I first purchased the book, or just want an introduction to or a refresher of the basics, such as myself at this point in time, this book comes highly recommended. It presents everything in a straightforward, easily understandable manner, informing you of important thinkers, theoretical debates and current research issues on a broad range of subjects relevant to anthropology and is a great place to start.

[Ehab mohamed · Rating 4 out of 5]

قرأت ترجمته العربية الصادرة مؤخرا عن المركز القومي للترجمة بعنوان: أماكن صغيرة وقضايا كبيرة: مقدمة للأنثروبولوجيا الاجتماعية والثقافية بترجمة عبده الريس.

كتاب سلس به فيض متدفق من المعلومات عن الانثروبولوجيا الاجتماعية والثقافية وموضوعاتها التي تلامس شتى جوانب الإنسان وحياته التفاعلية مع أمثلة لدراسات ميدانية لمحتمعات أو تجمعات صغيرة، وذلك بأسلوب سهل موجه للعامة دون إخلال.

[Γιώργος Γεωργόπουλος · Rating 2 out of 5]

Στην προσπάθεια μου να απαλλαγώ από ένα μέρος του άχθους που αυτόκλητα έχω επωμισθεί, να προσπαθώ δηλαδή να καταλάβω και να λύσω προσωπικά προβλήματα παρατηρώντας τον κόσμο γύρω μου, άρχισα να αντιλαμβάνομαι ότι αυτά τα προσωπικά προβλήματα δεν ήταν και τόσο προσωπικά τελικά. Κοινά αδιέξοδα, κοινές ερμηνείες για τον κόσμο, κοινή ανικανότητα προ��ολής στο μέλλον είναι μερικά από αυτά που μοιραζόμαστε εδώ και καιρό αρκετοί από εμάς. Έτσι, όση ψυχανάλυση και να διαβάσω, όση ψυχοθεραπεία και να κάνω, κάποια ζητήματα δεν άπτονται της δικής μου ικανότητας για αλλαγή. Οδηγήθηκα λοιπόν, χωρίς να απεμπολήσω το ενδιαφέρον μου για την ψυχανάλυση, να ερευνώ σιγά σιγά και την μεγάλη εικόνα.

Διαφορά βιβλία με συντρόφευσαν σε αυτή την προσπάθεια. Αυτή τη φορά μια εισαγωγή στην κοινωνική και πολιτισμική ανθρωπολογία. Μόνο που δεν ξέρω αν ήταν όντως εισαγωγή ή επικήδειος. Αναρωτιέται ο επιμελητής στην εισαγωγή του: με ποιους τρόπους μπορεί να φανεί χρήσιμη η συσσωρευμένη γνώση της επιστήμης για τις ειδοποιές διαφορές και τα καθολικά στοιχεία που χαρακτηρίζουν τον άνθρωπο, πώς μπορεί να διαχυθεί αυτή η γνώση πέρα και έξω από τον ακαδημαϊκό χώρο, ποιος είναι -ή πρέπει να είναι- ο δημόσιος λόγος που αρθρώνουν σήμερα οι ανθρωπολόγοι και με τον οποίο μπορούν να παρέμβουν στη δημόσια ζωή για θέματα όπως η μετανάστευση, η πολύ-πολιτισμικότητα, ο εθνικισμός, η παγκοσμιοποίηση, η φτώχια, οι συνέπειες της τεχνολογικής εξέλιξης, τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, η πολιτισμική ετερότητα και τα ζητήματα ατομικής και συλλογικής ταύτισης. Ο ίδιος παραδέχεται παρακάτω πως πρόκειται για πολυσύνθετο εγχείρημα του οποίου η επιτυχία ξεφεύγει από τα πλαίσια και τις δυνατότητες ενός μεμονωμένου διδάσκοντα ή μιας ομάδας διδασκόντων, ακόμα και ενός πανεπιστημίου.

Σε όλο το βιβλίο υπήρχε διάχυτη μια αμηχανία για τη χρηστικότητα, τα κίνητρα και τους τρόπους δράσης της επιστήμης της ανθρωπολογίας. Μια επιστήμη που γεννήθηκε ως αποικιοκρατικό εργαλείο δύσκολα ξεφεύγει από τις μεταλλάξεις αυτού του κινήτρου. Φαίνεται πως μεταλλάχθηκε σε τέτοιο βαθμό που, αν και καταλήγει να βάζει κάτω από το φακό τον ίδιο της τον εαυτό δεν καταφέρνει να ξεφύγει από τις υποκειμενική ματιά της παρεκτός μόνο να την υπερθεματίζει. Όσο περισσότερο προσπαθεί να γίνεται περιγραφική και όχι ερμηνευτική τόσο ξεχνάει, ή θέλει να ξεχνάει, ότι μπορεί να εργαλειοποιηθεί από τις εκάστοτε πολιτικές που διαπνέουν το ισχύον πλαισιό της. Όταν η ματιά του δυτικού πολιτισμού (ειδικά μετά τις αξιώσεις που προσέδωσε σε αυτήν ο διαφωτισμός) επικάθεται επάνω σε οποιαδήποτε άλλη ματιά για τον κόσμο, ακόμη κι όταν προσπαθεί να αποποιηθεί των επιδράσεών της, δεν μπορεί να το πράξει χωρίς να γίνει ένα κομμάτι από αυτό που μελετά, κάτι που έχει απρόβλεπτες συνέπειες, όσο κι αν δεν μπορεί να το παραδεχθεί. Και μη ξεχνάμε την τάση της να καταλάβει αυτό που αποκαλεί πρωτόγονο, αποτρόπαιο, απεχθές. Ακόμα και στην περίπτωση που αρθρώνει ηθικό λόγο δεν μπορεί να ξεφύγει από την "μεταφυσική" των ηθών της ή τις απριόρι αρχές που η ίδια αξιώνει ως ηγεμονικός λόγος. Ένας ηθικός λόγος πάντοτε συγκρούεται με κάποιον άλλο ηθικό λόγο. Αν πάλι βάλει στο μικροσκόπιο τα κίνητρα της η επιστήμη καταλήγει ξανά στην κατάργηση της δράσης της.

Το βιβλίο κλείνει λέγοντας ότι το πιο σημαντικό συμπέρασμα του τρόπου αυτού σύγκρισης των διαφόρων κοινωνικών κόσμων είναι η συνειδητοποίηση του γεγονότος ότι οι κοινωνίες μας θα μπορούσαν να είναι διαφορετικές - ότι ο τρόπος ζωής μας είναι ένας από τους πολλούς που έχουν υιοθετήσει οι άνθρωποι σε όλο τον κόσμο. Αυτή όμως η διάθεση να θέλουμε να περιορίσουμε την υποτιθέμενη έπαρση του δυτικού πολιτισμού (αφού την ερμηνεύουμε ως τέτοια) έναντι των άλλων πολιτισμών, δεν έχει μπει ακόμη στο μικροσκόπιο για τα κίνητρα και τις συνέπειες (αυτής της διάθεσης). Καταλήγει: "Δική μας δουλειά, έναντι των ιδεολογικών απλουστεύσεων, των προκαταλήψεων, της άγνοιας και της μισαλλοδοξίας, είναι να αναδείξουμε την πολυπλοκότητα του κόσμου μας." Ένα τεράστιο ΓΙΑΤΙ ανακύπτει από αυτό το απόσπασμα. Ενώ καταφάσκει υποσυνείδητα ότι οι ιδεολογικές απλουστεύεις, οι προκαταλήψεις, η άγνοια και η μισαλλοδοξία είναι κατώτερες ιδιότητες μιας κοινωνίας από την περιπλοκότητα των ιδεολογικών συμπερασμάτων και των εκλογικεύσεων της επιστημονικής ματιάς της, παρόλ’ αυτά όλες αυτές τις ιδιότητες ευαγγελίζεται ότι τις βρίσκει άξιες λόγου να τις μελετά σε άλλα πολιτισμικά πλαίσια και μας ενημερώνει και για τον χρηστικό τους ρόλο. Καταφανέστατη αντίφαση. Στην τελευταία παράγραφο μας λέει πως αν και δεν απαντά στο ερώτημα για το νόημα της ζωής (που δεν είναι η δουλειά της να το κάνει) μπορεί λέει να μας προτείνει κάποιους τρόπους για να δώσουμε νόημα στη ζωή. Καταλήγει δηλαδή σε μια επιστήμη του γούστου που δεν διαφέρει και πολύ από την τέρψη του θεάματος ενός ποδοσφαιρικού αγώνα όταν αυτός δίνει νόημα στη ζωή ενός ατόμου. Το βιβλίο κλείνει: "Αν και δεν μας προσφέρει οριστικές και τελεσίδικες απαντήσεις, μας δίνει την αίσθηση ότι βρισκόμαστε πολύ κοντά στις ερωτήσεις." Μια κοινωνία που έχει φετιχοποιήσει την ερώτηση κι έχει δαιμονοποιήσει την απάντηση (ή την δέχεται μόνο στις θετικές επιστήμες) είναι μια βαθειά προβληματική κοινωνία που αυτόν τον σχιζοειδή της χαρακτήρα που παραμένει μετέωρος-ρευστός περιμένοντας μια λύση από τυχαίες διασταυρώσεις τον προβάλει και στα υποκείμενα που την απαρτίζουν. Άρα για άλλη μια φορά το αίτημα μου για απαντήσεις παραμένει ανεκπλήρωτο.

[Catriona Macaulay · Rating 3 out of 5]

As a light introduction to key concepts in soc/cult anthro it hits the mark but these days would hope to see a bit more engagement with methodological issues.

[Dawn Bates · Rating 5 out of 5]

This was recommended reading for my PhD studies - and within the first few chapters, I had to ask myself "How did I not know I was an anthropologist?".

It has taken me a long time to read this book (by my standards), in part, because I have been researching the ideas and 'further reading', whilst using it to reference and dig deeper into many of the articles I write for publications and on my LinkedIn profile.

What I loved about this book the most is that it isn't overly academic, and the content made me smile and think, want to dive deeper and confirmed my choice of direction for my Ph.D.

Many of the theories and concepts in this book mirror the type of conversation I love to have, and also made me reflect on my own life in all manner of ways, such as "Do I have a culture?". A question not many people will ask themselves, but having lived and worked in 44 countries now, and speaking multiple languages, it is hard for me to identify with being British - other than the amount of tea I drink and the great British sarcasm and irony that we love to inject into our humour.

My politics are anything but British, and it is very rare that I eat English food - but then again, do many people in Britain still eat traditional English fare?

Learning about tribes and nomadism has helped deepen the content of my up and coming books on nomadism and the role of women in society, and I have been challenged on whether I actually still believe that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a good thing - because it is just 'oh, so Western' in its construct. Yes, it had good intentions, but other than the Western world, does it really represent other cultures, communities and kinship systems.

This book has made me a better thinker, a better writer and with this foundational knowledge, will hopefully make my grades better when it comes to finally becoming Dr Dawn!

[Pernille · Rating 4 out of 5]

En virkelig interessant bok, som jeg gledet med til å lese. Dette var litt sjokkerende, siden den var en del av pensum og jeg hadde visse aninger om at denne boken var på det tørre. Ville absolutt anbefale alle der ute til å lese den!

[Lkp · Rating 5 out of 5]

I really loved this book! So incredibly dense with knowledge and examples, I really enjoyed learning more about the basics and history of anthropology.
Anyone interested in the subject- I really recommend you read this book!

[Mariana David]

I found the book truly useful in my research.
Eriksen`s accessible style makes the subject easy to understand, fact which determined me to buy another book written by him, `Ethnicity and Nationalism`.

[Sam · Rating 4 out of 5]

Very readable and concise account of different phenomena within the field of social and cultural anthropology. Had to read this for a class but mostly enjoyed it, it does a good job of giving an introduction to, overview of and a first glimpse into the discipline.

[Vasilis Stefanou · Rating 5 out of 5]

A more-in-depth look on Anthropology than the author's other book called 'What is Anthropology?'. He provides more references, more concepts and people who advanced them as well subjects that were not mentioned in the previous book. Perfect for anyone interested to dive deep in Anthropology.

[Edvards · Rating 5 out of 5]

Solid general intro to anthropology. I read it in my final year of high-school, and it's both a good overview of a lot of (but not all) the theoretical branches, and also gives a good feel for the point-of-view of the anthropologist, including both issues of positionality and view.

[Reko Wenell · Rating 3 out of 5]

Not much to state here other than that this was a pretty well written textbook which boils down to being informative without getting utterly boring or incomprehensible (some is naturally to be expected)

[Jan Kjellin · Rating 3 out of 5]

Den här kan man återkomma till även efter ett tiotal år. Bra!

[Mosin · Rating 4 out of 5]

Quite interesting reading for anthropology introduction .

[Kiara · Rating 4 out of 5]

Ta weno pa empezar jeje

[Sherko Asl · Rating 5 out of 5]

Mycket bra bok om antropologi. Särskilt för personer som studerar religion, historia, politisk eller sociologi.

[lia · Rating 3 out of 5]

My textbook for shortcourse social anthropology.

[Stan · Rating 4 out of 5]

Heb dat voor school gewoon bijna helemaal gelezen dus mag wel op de goodreads

[Sol Reategui]

What i had to read for my intro to anthropology course :)

[Holland Rhoads · Rating 3 out of 5]

Anthropology is a field steeped in problematic white men🥰

[Veronika]

Dnf na 30%, bylo to do skoly, zkousku mam hotovou takze neni potreba to docitat :Dd

[Olea Moen · Rating 4 out of 5]

68% finished for Studies

[Emma Charala · Rating 4 out of 5]

Πολύ ενδιαφέρουσα εισαγωγή στην κοινωνική ανθρωπολογία!

[Maia · Rating 4 out of 5]

en oo enää sama ihminen tän jälkeen kirjotin 1300 sanan eestä ”olennaisimpia huomioita” 😍

vikan luvun sosiologismimaininta oli kans aika paha callout mut erittäin tarpeellinen