What do you think?
Rate this book
400 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2014
Epidemiology is my day job – Bad Science and Bad Pharma are both, effectively, epidemiology textbooks with bad guys – and since the techniques of epidemiology are at the core of most media stories and squabbles on health, it’s very weird that you don’t hear the word more often. [COVID19 has likely just made a bigger mess]--More variety than the 2 themed books mentioned, this collection features:
In some parts of the world, it is impossible to rise up the career ladder of teaching without understanding how research can improve practice, and publishing articles in teaching journals. Teachers in Shanghai and Singapore participate in regular ‘Journal Clubs’, where they discuss a new piece of research, and its strengths and weaknesses, before considering whether they would apply its findings in their own practice. If the answer is no, they share the shortcomings in the study design that they’ve identified, and then describe any better research that they think should be done on the same question.…While Goldacre further hints how this can be expanded to government policy to “revolutionise social policy”, we move closer to powerful structures conflicting with social needs (see next section). For what it’s worth, the Shanghai teacher example makes me wonder of the pragmatic policies in China that Westerners have so much trouble categorizing in abstract ideological terms (State capitalism? Market socialism? Communist authoritarianism? Socialism with Chinese Characteristics? Developmental statism?).
This is an important quirk: understanding how research is done also enables teachers to generate new research questions. This, in turn, ensures that the research which gets done addresses the needs of everyday teachers.
Does variable-price competition work in healthcare markets? Working from first principles, markets for healthcare in which people compete on price as well as quality might be expected to produce lower-quality healthcare, because prices are easy to measure, while quality, in healthcare, is surprisingly difficult to measure: so quality suffers.…It should not be a surprise the stark contradictions of healthcare within capitalism detailed in this book, which can be traced to early struggles between (Western) public health vs. capitalism (from Less is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World; emphases added):
It wasn’t until nearly 400 years later [since the emergence of capitalism] that life expectancies in Britain finally began to rise […]. It happened slightly later in the rest of Europe, while in the colonised world longevity didn’t begin to improve until the early 1900s. So if [capitalist economic] growth itself does not have an automatic relationship with life expectancy and human welfare, what could possibly explain this trend?--For more on critical epidemiology, see: Dead Epidemiologists: On the Origins of COVID-19
Historians today point out that it began with a startlingly simple intervention […]: [public] sanitation. In the middle of the 1800s, public health researchers had discovered that health outcomes could be improved by introducing simple sanitation measures, such as separating sewage from drinking water. All it required was a bit of public plumbing. But public plumbing requires public works, and public money. You have to appropriate private land for things like public water pumps and public baths. And you have to be able to dig on private property in order to connect tenements and factories to the system. This is where the problems began. For decades, progress towards the goal of public sanitation was opposed, not enabled, by the capitalist class. Libertarian-minded landowners refused to allow officials to use their property, and refused to pay the taxes required to get it done.
The resistance of these elites was broken only once commoners won the right to vote and workers organised into unions. Over the following decades these movements, which in Britain began with the Chartists and the Municipal Socialists, leveraged the state to intervene against the capitalist class. They fought for a new vision: that cities should be managed for the good of everyone, not just for the few. These movements delivered not only public sanitation systems but also, in the years that followed, public healthcare, vaccination coverage, public education, public housing, better wages and safer working conditions. According to research by the historian Simon Szreter, access to these public goods – which were, in a way, a new kind of commons [social Commons] – had a significant positive impact on human health, and spurred soaring life expectancy through the twentieth century.
"I'm not saying the figure sixty is wrong. While what it represents was probably overstated - by the Home Office and the press reports - the number itself isn't absurd. But it does seem odd that just finding out where it came from involved so much mucking about, and it seems even odder to ignore the robust figures in a long academic report that you've commissioned (the scheme wasn't cheap compared to, say, social worker salaries), and instead build your press activity around one opaque figure constructed, ever so slightly, somewhere, it seems, on the back of an envelope."
Alternative therapists don't kill many people, but they do make a great teaching tool for the basics of evidence-based medicine, because their efforts to distort science are so extreme. When they pervert the activities of people who should know better – medicines regulators, or universities – it throws sharp relief onto the role of science and evidence in culture...
[Andrew Lansley's] pretence at data-driven neutrality is not just irritating, it's also hard to admire. There's no need to hide behind a cloak of scientific authority, murmuring the word "evidence" into microphones. If your reforms are a matter of ideology, legacy, whim and faith, then, like many of your predecessors, you could simply say so, and leave "evidence" to people who mean it.
Many of these people were hardline extremists - humanities graduates - who treated my arguments about evidence as if I were some kind of religious zealot, a purveyor of scientism, a fool to be pitied. The time had clearly come to mount a massive counter-attack.
...nerds are more powerful than we know. Changing mainstream media will be hard, but you can help create parallel options. More academics should blog, post videos, post audio, post lectures, offer articles and more. You'll enjoy it: I've had threats and blackmail, abuse, smears and formal complaints with forged documentation. But it's worth it, for one simple reason: pulling bad science apart is the best teaching gimmick I know for explaining how good science works. I'm not a policeman, and I've never set out to produce a long list of what's right and what's wrong. For me, things have to be interestingly wrong, and the methods are all that matter.