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Behind the war in Eritrea
Book by Davidson, Basil
- GenresAfrica
150 pages, Hardcover
First published July 28, 1981
17 people want to read
About the author
Basil Davidson
102 books73 followersBasil Risbridger Davidson was an acclaimed British historian, writer and Africanist, particularly knowledgeable on the subject of Portuguese Africa prior to the 1974 Carnation Revolution .
He has written several books on the current plight of Africa. Colonialism and the rise of African emancipation movements have been central themes of his work.
He is an Honorary Fellow of the London School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS).
From 1939, Davidson was a reporter for the London "Economist" in Paris, France. From December 1939, he was a Secret Intelligence Service (SIS)/MI-6 D Section (sabotage) officer sent to Budapest (see Special Operations Europe, chapter 3) to establish a news service as cover. In April 1941, with the Nazi invasion, he fled to Belgrade, Yugoslavia. In May, he was captured by Italian forces and was later released as part of a prisoner exchange. From late 1942 to mid-1943, he was chief of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) Yugoslav Section in Cairo, Egypt, where he was James Klugmann's supervisor. From January 1945 he was liaison officer with partisans in Liguria, Italy.
After the war, he was Paris correspondent for "The Times," "Daily Herald" ,"New Statesman", and the "Daily Mirror."
Since 1951, he became a well known authority on African history, an unfashionable subject in the 1950s. His writings have emphasised the pre-colonial achievements of Africans, the disastrous effects of the Atlantic Slave Trade, the further damage inflicted on Africa by European colonialism and the baleful effects of the Nation State in Africa.
Davidson's works are required reading in many British universities. He is globally recognized as an expert on African History.
He currently lives in Staffordshire.
He has written several books on the current plight of Africa. Colonialism and the rise of African emancipation movements have been central themes of his work.
He is an Honorary Fellow of the London School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS).
From 1939, Davidson was a reporter for the London "Economist" in Paris, France. From December 1939, he was a Secret Intelligence Service (SIS)/MI-6 D Section (sabotage) officer sent to Budapest (see Special Operations Europe, chapter 3) to establish a news service as cover. In April 1941, with the Nazi invasion, he fled to Belgrade, Yugoslavia. In May, he was captured by Italian forces and was later released as part of a prisoner exchange. From late 1942 to mid-1943, he was chief of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) Yugoslav Section in Cairo, Egypt, where he was James Klugmann's supervisor. From January 1945 he was liaison officer with partisans in Liguria, Italy.
After the war, he was Paris correspondent for "The Times," "Daily Herald" ,"New Statesman", and the "Daily Mirror."
Since 1951, he became a well known authority on African history, an unfashionable subject in the 1950s. His writings have emphasised the pre-colonial achievements of Africans, the disastrous effects of the Atlantic Slave Trade, the further damage inflicted on Africa by European colonialism and the baleful effects of the Nation State in Africa.
Davidson's works are required reading in many British universities. He is globally recognized as an expert on African History.
He currently lives in Staffordshire.
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Displaying 1 of 1 review
March 18, 2022
The hope, the battle, and the disaster
Eritrea, that Pennsylvania-size country on the Horn of Africa, fought thirty years to be independent, achieving their goal at last in 1991. This thin book, a compilation of writing about the process, came out in 1980, when the “People’s Democracies” of the USSR and Cuba had come to the aid of their new ally, Ethiopia, in trying to crush the indomitable Eritreans. Russia and Cuba ignored the fact that the main group opposing them was also a leftwing movement, organizing itself on Chinese lines, trying to bring about a social revolution at the same time as a national and political one. It was geopolitics at its worst.
I found that the organization of the book was almost back to front. A short eye-witness description of the country and the struggle comes last, though a very brief history of Eritrea is at the beginning. The nature of the liberation struggle and the process of the social revolution come in the middle. Agricultural reform, literacy, the introduction of participatory government, and the desire to provide a better standard of living and health to all were prioritized by the EPLF (Eritrean People’s Liberation Front) under constant attack by the vastly superior numbers of the Ethiopian military and their air force. It is an inspiring story, just not told very well here. If you read this, and I don’t recommend it, you will wade through a lot of the rigid vocabulary favored by radical leftwing parties all around the world; for example social classes not favored by the EPLF are called “elements”; we find that there are many “contradictions” in society and the struggle, and the good guys are always “the forces of transformation”. How about “taking a prudent stance towards the national bourgeoisie”? Then we are told that the working class had to be organized “to play its proper role in the revolution” (p.97). But what if Eritrea had hardly any working class? What they are saying is that “we have to copy Russia even if the situation is totally different.” But it was a war for independence.
The Eritrean liberation struggle is one of the amazing stories of the 20th century, but is seldom remembered today. What happened after they won? It became an iron dictatorship. The same ruler has been in power for 30 years with never a single national election. Eritrea is the lowest country in the world in terms of press freedom. While health and education may have improved, the country resembles a vast prison. People are forced into the military for an average of six years, but often more. Less than 2% of the population has access to the internet, the lowest in the world also. Eritrean refugees have fled to Europe, Israel, North America and anywhere else they can reach. So, my point is, if you choose to read this book, keep in mind the sequel, which has not been written as far as I know. They definitely needed a social revolution, but not this one.
For another view of the war, you may check Thomas Keneally’s “To Asmara”, a novel based on his own trip to Eritrea in those days.
Eritrea, that Pennsylvania-size country on the Horn of Africa, fought thirty years to be independent, achieving their goal at last in 1991. This thin book, a compilation of writing about the process, came out in 1980, when the “People’s Democracies” of the USSR and Cuba had come to the aid of their new ally, Ethiopia, in trying to crush the indomitable Eritreans. Russia and Cuba ignored the fact that the main group opposing them was also a leftwing movement, organizing itself on Chinese lines, trying to bring about a social revolution at the same time as a national and political one. It was geopolitics at its worst.
I found that the organization of the book was almost back to front. A short eye-witness description of the country and the struggle comes last, though a very brief history of Eritrea is at the beginning. The nature of the liberation struggle and the process of the social revolution come in the middle. Agricultural reform, literacy, the introduction of participatory government, and the desire to provide a better standard of living and health to all were prioritized by the EPLF (Eritrean People’s Liberation Front) under constant attack by the vastly superior numbers of the Ethiopian military and their air force. It is an inspiring story, just not told very well here. If you read this, and I don’t recommend it, you will wade through a lot of the rigid vocabulary favored by radical leftwing parties all around the world; for example social classes not favored by the EPLF are called “elements”; we find that there are many “contradictions” in society and the struggle, and the good guys are always “the forces of transformation”. How about “taking a prudent stance towards the national bourgeoisie”? Then we are told that the working class had to be organized “to play its proper role in the revolution” (p.97). But what if Eritrea had hardly any working class? What they are saying is that “we have to copy Russia even if the situation is totally different.” But it was a war for independence.
The Eritrean liberation struggle is one of the amazing stories of the 20th century, but is seldom remembered today. What happened after they won? It became an iron dictatorship. The same ruler has been in power for 30 years with never a single national election. Eritrea is the lowest country in the world in terms of press freedom. While health and education may have improved, the country resembles a vast prison. People are forced into the military for an average of six years, but often more. Less than 2% of the population has access to the internet, the lowest in the world also. Eritrean refugees have fled to Europe, Israel, North America and anywhere else they can reach. So, my point is, if you choose to read this book, keep in mind the sequel, which has not been written as far as I know. They definitely needed a social revolution, but not this one.
For another view of the war, you may check Thomas Keneally’s “To Asmara”, a novel based on his own trip to Eritrea in those days.
Displaying 1 of 1 review