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Beyond the Two-State Solution
Beyond the Two-State Solution, by Jonathan Kuttab, is a short introduction to the ongoing crisis in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Zionism and Palestinian Nationalism have been at loggerheads for over a century. Some thought the two-state solution would resolve the conflict between them. Kuttab explains that the two-state solution (that he supported) is no longer viable. He suggests that any solution be predicated on the basic existential needs of the two parties, needs he lays out in exceptional detail. He formulates a way forward for a 1-state solution that challenges both Zionism and Palestinian Nationalism. This book invites readers to begin a new conversation based on two peoples will need to live together in some sort of unified state. It is balanced and accessible to neophytes and to experts alike.
110 pages, Paperback
Published January 14, 2021
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Displaying 1 - 11 of 11 reviews
March 31, 2023
Clear, concise, helpful, and above all, targeted towards action. I appreciated his discussion of democracy and the breadth of what it includes beyond just the voting booth. I was hoping for more though on what he describes as the “holocaust syndrome.” That was inadequately addressed from a policy and cultural lens, in my opinion.
Overall, definitely recommend for folks who want a brief overview of the current status and prospects for a negotiated solution to the question of Palestine and Israel. Whether his recommendations will ever have the support of public opinion or of politicians with the backbone and will to defend it is another question. I recognize that moving us to a place where that exists is not within the purview of this book, it remains an essential challenge and prerequisite to the policy solutions he describes.
Regardless, the international community, and especially the US, need to move past tired slogans and out of touch talking points.
Overall, definitely recommend for folks who want a brief overview of the current status and prospects for a negotiated solution to the question of Palestine and Israel. Whether his recommendations will ever have the support of public opinion or of politicians with the backbone and will to defend it is another question. I recognize that moving us to a place where that exists is not within the purview of this book, it remains an essential challenge and prerequisite to the policy solutions he describes.
Regardless, the international community, and especially the US, need to move past tired slogans and out of touch talking points.
August 31, 2025
I bought this book just under two years ago when I attended the Palestine Writes festival. At the time, I bought the book as someone deeply unfamiliar and uneducated on the subject, seeking to develop a more rigorous understanding of and language for the occupation of Palestine. It's hard to describe how much I've learned since I bought this book, and how unique of a read this became precisely because of all the growth I experienced, but I believe my ability to engage with the text benefited because of it all.
Anyways, one of the things I found most immediately interesting about this book is the way Kuttab arrived at the need for a one state solution. Many organizers I know or have learned about are committed to a one-state solution out of (1) a practical recognition of the impossibility of sating the voracious expansionistic dreams of Zionism and the seemingly never-ending campaigns made by Zionist settlers and (2) a more principled, political move growing out of the recognition that Palestine has been colonized for over 75 years and thus deserves, if we take decolonization most seriously, the fullest restoration of its pre-1948 borders and geography. Kuttab's argument for a one-state solution aligns with the first piece of this, as he spends the first few chapters of the book explaining why the presence and constant expansion of Zionist settlements makes a two-state solution impossible. The underlying point here, for Kuttab, is that a two-state solution would either require a mass expulsion or removal of Zionist settlers or equal exchange of alternative Israeli land to create a contiguous Palestinian state—both of which he believes to be largely impossible. He grounds this point in the appreciably cogent historical review he provides of the consequences of 1967 war, the Oslo Accords, and Trump's "Deal of the Century." In this way, we should probably say that Kuttab is arguing from a pragmatic place. Pragmatism, especially in more revolutionary circles, often (and in many cases rightfully) gets a bad rap, but I suppose I have sympathy for Kuttab because he's patently clear that the origins and ongoing existence of Israel are colonial, unjust, immoral, and grotesque. At the same time, he is clearly distressed by a politics that is too constrained by its own demands for purity; as a Palestinian himself, he seems intent on sorting out a path forward that cuts through the clear bullshit of a two-state solution without vaguely gesturing at a one-state vision that he himself doesn't know how to expand on. He also seems motivated by the idea that Israelis and Zionists are a "national fact" for Palestine, that their complete and utter expulsion is not a feasible path forward. This mirrors some of the points made by Rashid Khalidi and even earlier writers like Maxime Rodinson, which I think is interesting. It is certainly the kind of point that many organizers would vehemently disagree on, and if we aren't in agreement about it, then our ability to map out what a one-state solution would look like also falls apart.
Something else I appreciated Kuttab for was explaining why two-state solution discourse is still so popular. Besides it being an outgrowth of the decades of Israel's existence and expansionist efforts (and the consequent lack of imagination and hope many come to feel about fundamentally challenging its existence), he names that the discourse is comfortable. Rather than meaningfully addressing the colonial aspirations and genocidal intentions of Zionism or the political aspirations of Palestinian liberation, a two-state solution plays with discourses of nominal state recognition and representation without addressing the occupation firsthand. As Kuttab says, "the two-state solution provides a perfect alibi for the status quo." It allows Israel to act with impunity, to argue that it is not acting as a reigning, significantly more powerful authority over a "state" which has nominal recognition at best. Consider how, both before and when the genocide began, Zionists clamored to argue that the Gaza Strip was not being occupied or blockaded despite practically all resources to the Strip being managed, surveilled, and restricted by Israel. The point is that Kuttab's treatment of why two-state discourse is much-needed, especially at a time when heads of Western states are slowly opening their eyes and whispering that a Palestinian state should be recognized. The point, to Kuttab, is that the two-state solution is not possible and all of the persisting discourse we have around it only enables the status quo, avoiding the ultimately more uncomfortable and necessary conversation about how to end the occupation altogether.
As for a few questions/concerns I have coming out of this book, here is my first one: Kuttab argues that addressing security concerns will be a critical piece of this one-state vision. Specifically, he suggests that a Jewish person head the Ministry of Defense, Army, Navy, Air Force, and the Atomic Energy Administration in addition to having an Arab deputy under each head. While I appreciate the gesture Kuttab makes in offering this suggestion, I wonder how we are supposed to manage the slippery nature of security discourse. As Kuttab names later on, most, if not all, conversations about Israeli/Zionist security grow out of and are connected to generational trauma, from what Kuttab refers to as 'holocaust syndrome.' Put together with deeply orientalist and racist understandings of the "backwards," "uncivilized," and "barbaric" nature of Palestinians and Arabs, security discourse tends to be very hard to stop once it starts. I understand that Kuttab could not entirely flesh out every nut and bolt of what security would look like in this future state, but I confess that it would be a critical concern of mine. I admire his optimism and welcome it, but the colonial roots of Zionism are deep and any transition to a one-state future for Palestine will require a way of reckoning with those ambitions.
Moreover, near the end of the book, Kuttab makes an interesting point. He says that joint actions need to become more central to organizing work if we are to pursue a one-state future. He criticizes Israeli "liberals" and "leftists" for maintaining a policy of separation from Palestinians so they can develop their own systems of operation while also arguing that pro-Palestine activists "gave too much weight to their "anti-normalization" campaign." I honestly had a lot of trouble with this argument. I can see that his intention was to say that we cannot realize a one-state future if we have no robust system for cooperation between well-meaning Israelis and Palestinians. Additionally, he is careful to name that avoiding normalization is a critical part of the fight, that the status quo of the occupation is undeniably unjust and not worth replicating. The question I have for him here, then, is what it would specifically mean to actually toe this line. What kind of alteration of strategy or method is he truly calling for?
Furthermore, Kuttab's approach to the question of the right to return is interesting. He essentially argues that both Palestinians and Israeli Jews need to maintain a right to return for their respective communities. Specifically for Palestinians, Kuttab argues that since the presence of Israeli Jews is a "national reality," then not all Palestinians who return will be able to resume life in their previous homes. In response to this, Kuttab argues that a system of reparations, compensation, or corresponding land appropration (from otherwise vacant public land, for example) would be in order. Again, I understand the motivation for this suggestion, but reading this suggestion gave me a lot of pause. Kuttab is aware of this, but this suggestion alone is a fiery one. Especially for Palestinians who have been in diaspora or living under occupation for decades, the right to return is an aspiration that sits deep within their souls. For many, the principles are clear, and the right to return is not meant to be filtered through mere compensation or reparations. Perhaps I am wrong and opinion on this has shifted among organizers and Palestinians, but it's precisely the sort of claim I can imagine having tough conversations about.
Last point: Kuttab's analysis of armed resistance mirrors that of Rashid Khalidi in The Hundred Years' War on Palestine For Kuttab, the question is not whether armed resistance is moral or just (in fact, he makes it abundantly clear that armed resistance is legitimate and recognized by international law); his concern is that armed resistance is not effective, that the future of Palestinian liberation will need to rely on other means and processes. He addresses in another section the counterargument that his suggestions hinge too strongly on the legal, that they write well but lack an apparatus for enforcement. I bring this up to say that he seems attentive to both sides; he recognizes the limitations of purely legal approaches while also being critical of what armed approaches bring success. As I mentioned in my review of The Hundred Years' War on Palestine, I struggle to entirely agree with claims like that of Khalidi and Kuttab. I appreciate that they come from places of deep experience and knowledge, with the utmost of intentions and aspirations for Palestinian dignity and life. And it is on those terms that I engage with them. Whenever I read these kinds of arguments, I'm reminded of conversations I've had with fellow organizers about the conceivable tensions between anticolonial retributive violence and the abolitionist avoidance of retribution. My mind is not made up on how to resolve these things but arguments like these will certainly sit in my mind as I think about them.
POINT IS — read this book! It's short, simply and coherently written, accessible, and well-ordered. Kuttab does a wonderful job to anticipate just about every major counterargument to his own, and that bumps the argumentative quality of this book up quite a bit. It's more important than ever that we tackle the myth of a two-state solution, understand what role its discourse plays in upholding Israeli apartheid and settler-colonialism, and map out a one-state future. Though this book doesn't close out this conversation, it certainly starts it in generative ways.
Anyways, one of the things I found most immediately interesting about this book is the way Kuttab arrived at the need for a one state solution. Many organizers I know or have learned about are committed to a one-state solution out of (1) a practical recognition of the impossibility of sating the voracious expansionistic dreams of Zionism and the seemingly never-ending campaigns made by Zionist settlers and (2) a more principled, political move growing out of the recognition that Palestine has been colonized for over 75 years and thus deserves, if we take decolonization most seriously, the fullest restoration of its pre-1948 borders and geography. Kuttab's argument for a one-state solution aligns with the first piece of this, as he spends the first few chapters of the book explaining why the presence and constant expansion of Zionist settlements makes a two-state solution impossible. The underlying point here, for Kuttab, is that a two-state solution would either require a mass expulsion or removal of Zionist settlers or equal exchange of alternative Israeli land to create a contiguous Palestinian state—both of which he believes to be largely impossible. He grounds this point in the appreciably cogent historical review he provides of the consequences of 1967 war, the Oslo Accords, and Trump's "Deal of the Century." In this way, we should probably say that Kuttab is arguing from a pragmatic place. Pragmatism, especially in more revolutionary circles, often (and in many cases rightfully) gets a bad rap, but I suppose I have sympathy for Kuttab because he's patently clear that the origins and ongoing existence of Israel are colonial, unjust, immoral, and grotesque. At the same time, he is clearly distressed by a politics that is too constrained by its own demands for purity; as a Palestinian himself, he seems intent on sorting out a path forward that cuts through the clear bullshit of a two-state solution without vaguely gesturing at a one-state vision that he himself doesn't know how to expand on. He also seems motivated by the idea that Israelis and Zionists are a "national fact" for Palestine, that their complete and utter expulsion is not a feasible path forward. This mirrors some of the points made by Rashid Khalidi and even earlier writers like Maxime Rodinson, which I think is interesting. It is certainly the kind of point that many organizers would vehemently disagree on, and if we aren't in agreement about it, then our ability to map out what a one-state solution would look like also falls apart.
Something else I appreciated Kuttab for was explaining why two-state solution discourse is still so popular. Besides it being an outgrowth of the decades of Israel's existence and expansionist efforts (and the consequent lack of imagination and hope many come to feel about fundamentally challenging its existence), he names that the discourse is comfortable. Rather than meaningfully addressing the colonial aspirations and genocidal intentions of Zionism or the political aspirations of Palestinian liberation, a two-state solution plays with discourses of nominal state recognition and representation without addressing the occupation firsthand. As Kuttab says, "the two-state solution provides a perfect alibi for the status quo." It allows Israel to act with impunity, to argue that it is not acting as a reigning, significantly more powerful authority over a "state" which has nominal recognition at best. Consider how, both before and when the genocide began, Zionists clamored to argue that the Gaza Strip was not being occupied or blockaded despite practically all resources to the Strip being managed, surveilled, and restricted by Israel. The point is that Kuttab's treatment of why two-state discourse is much-needed, especially at a time when heads of Western states are slowly opening their eyes and whispering that a Palestinian state should be recognized. The point, to Kuttab, is that the two-state solution is not possible and all of the persisting discourse we have around it only enables the status quo, avoiding the ultimately more uncomfortable and necessary conversation about how to end the occupation altogether.
As for a few questions/concerns I have coming out of this book, here is my first one: Kuttab argues that addressing security concerns will be a critical piece of this one-state vision. Specifically, he suggests that a Jewish person head the Ministry of Defense, Army, Navy, Air Force, and the Atomic Energy Administration in addition to having an Arab deputy under each head. While I appreciate the gesture Kuttab makes in offering this suggestion, I wonder how we are supposed to manage the slippery nature of security discourse. As Kuttab names later on, most, if not all, conversations about Israeli/Zionist security grow out of and are connected to generational trauma, from what Kuttab refers to as 'holocaust syndrome.' Put together with deeply orientalist and racist understandings of the "backwards," "uncivilized," and "barbaric" nature of Palestinians and Arabs, security discourse tends to be very hard to stop once it starts. I understand that Kuttab could not entirely flesh out every nut and bolt of what security would look like in this future state, but I confess that it would be a critical concern of mine. I admire his optimism and welcome it, but the colonial roots of Zionism are deep and any transition to a one-state future for Palestine will require a way of reckoning with those ambitions.
Moreover, near the end of the book, Kuttab makes an interesting point. He says that joint actions need to become more central to organizing work if we are to pursue a one-state future. He criticizes Israeli "liberals" and "leftists" for maintaining a policy of separation from Palestinians so they can develop their own systems of operation while also arguing that pro-Palestine activists "gave too much weight to their "anti-normalization" campaign." I honestly had a lot of trouble with this argument. I can see that his intention was to say that we cannot realize a one-state future if we have no robust system for cooperation between well-meaning Israelis and Palestinians. Additionally, he is careful to name that avoiding normalization is a critical part of the fight, that the status quo of the occupation is undeniably unjust and not worth replicating. The question I have for him here, then, is what it would specifically mean to actually toe this line. What kind of alteration of strategy or method is he truly calling for?
Furthermore, Kuttab's approach to the question of the right to return is interesting. He essentially argues that both Palestinians and Israeli Jews need to maintain a right to return for their respective communities. Specifically for Palestinians, Kuttab argues that since the presence of Israeli Jews is a "national reality," then not all Palestinians who return will be able to resume life in their previous homes. In response to this, Kuttab argues that a system of reparations, compensation, or corresponding land appropration (from otherwise vacant public land, for example) would be in order. Again, I understand the motivation for this suggestion, but reading this suggestion gave me a lot of pause. Kuttab is aware of this, but this suggestion alone is a fiery one. Especially for Palestinians who have been in diaspora or living under occupation for decades, the right to return is an aspiration that sits deep within their souls. For many, the principles are clear, and the right to return is not meant to be filtered through mere compensation or reparations. Perhaps I am wrong and opinion on this has shifted among organizers and Palestinians, but it's precisely the sort of claim I can imagine having tough conversations about.
Last point: Kuttab's analysis of armed resistance mirrors that of Rashid Khalidi in The Hundred Years' War on Palestine For Kuttab, the question is not whether armed resistance is moral or just (in fact, he makes it abundantly clear that armed resistance is legitimate and recognized by international law); his concern is that armed resistance is not effective, that the future of Palestinian liberation will need to rely on other means and processes. He addresses in another section the counterargument that his suggestions hinge too strongly on the legal, that they write well but lack an apparatus for enforcement. I bring this up to say that he seems attentive to both sides; he recognizes the limitations of purely legal approaches while also being critical of what armed approaches bring success. As I mentioned in my review of The Hundred Years' War on Palestine, I struggle to entirely agree with claims like that of Khalidi and Kuttab. I appreciate that they come from places of deep experience and knowledge, with the utmost of intentions and aspirations for Palestinian dignity and life. And it is on those terms that I engage with them. Whenever I read these kinds of arguments, I'm reminded of conversations I've had with fellow organizers about the conceivable tensions between anticolonial retributive violence and the abolitionist avoidance of retribution. My mind is not made up on how to resolve these things but arguments like these will certainly sit in my mind as I think about them.
POINT IS — read this book! It's short, simply and coherently written, accessible, and well-ordered. Kuttab does a wonderful job to anticipate just about every major counterargument to his own, and that bumps the argumentative quality of this book up quite a bit. It's more important than ever that we tackle the myth of a two-state solution, understand what role its discourse plays in upholding Israeli apartheid and settler-colonialism, and map out a one-state future. Though this book doesn't close out this conversation, it certainly starts it in generative ways.
June 16, 2022
When a country has tied itself in knots as Israel has, the solution may seem intractable, but author Jonathan Kuttab goes into detail about the stories that Israelis, Palestinians, and their supporters tell themselves to justify their positions. The "two-state solution" was never meant to work, and those that really believed in it, or still do, are deluding themselves. That Jews who wanted a safe haven for only themselves to live in, and tried unsuccessfully to create such a nation within Palestine are equally deluded. The "nation" of Israel, has become despised throughout much of the global community for its egregious behavior.
Jonathan Kuttab offers a way out (forward) where both parties and their supporters can achieve peace and even restore their reputations as good and decent people who respect one another. This short book, sponsored by Nonviolence International (https://www.nonviolenceinternational....) details a suggested plan for Israelis and Palestinians to, through compromise and good faith, build a community together.
Jonathan Kuttab offers a way out (forward) where both parties and their supporters can achieve peace and even restore their reputations as good and decent people who respect one another. This short book, sponsored by Nonviolence International (https://www.nonviolenceinternational....) details a suggested plan for Israelis and Palestinians to, through compromise and good faith, build a community together.
April 12, 2023
This is a really powerful book that provides a hopeful but not naive vision for a peaceful and just future for Palestine/Israel. By acknowledging occupation and an apartheid state and systemic oppression of Palestinians as well as the collective trauma of the Holocaust and anti-semetism, Kuttab’s vision calls for justice, equality, and peace. It is easy to follow and provides good background as well. It is well thought out, well argued, and well written. I would highly recommend.
May 30, 2021
This is a powerful book which lays out the impossibilities of a "two-state solution" for Israel/Palestiner and describes a "one state solution" with incredible clarity. Knowing very little about the situation, I feel I learned a tremendous amount in this small book which appears to be unbiased in either direction. Highly recommend.
May 5, 2024
I do not recommend this book to any readers. For those with more knowledge of the geopolitical issues, Kuttab's arguments are illogical and disconnected from reality, making the book a waste of time. For those with limited knowledge of the geopolitical issues, the book will leave them with a distorted sense of reality and history.
I went into the book with an open mind, willing to thoughtfully consider what he had to say. The first 8 chapters describe some background on the conflict, his perception of obstacles to the two-state solution, and the requirements of groups of people. This section contains multiple misrepresentations, omissions, and blatantly false statements. These are too many to enumerate here.
Some omissions can be excused given the length of the book, but one is inexcusable. The book omits any discussion of Palestinian terrorism in general, the first and second Intifadas, the frequent rocket attacks from Gaza, and the discrimination against and persecution of Jews in Arab and Muslim countries. In Jonathan Kuttab's book, the Israeli demand for security is either a remnant of Holocaust trauma or a smokescreen for territorial maximalism. In contrast, Jonathan Kuttab chooses to devote a whole chapter to the behavior by extremist Jews portraying them as the downfall of the two-state solution. Later in his action program toward a one state solution, Kuttab writes "Palestinians need to rethink their attitudes towards some of the settlers, who often resemble a cross section of Israeli society, and not just its extremists." (page 84) Yet, in Chapter 3, Kuttab himself is guilty of "demonizing all settlers".
As I was reading, I was faced with the question is Jonathan Kuttab ignorant, naively idealistic, or deliberately deceitful. On page 86, there is clear evidence of his appalling lack of moral clarity, which is evidence that his efforts are likely deliberately deceitful. Jonathan Kuttab advocates that Palestinians abandon "armed resistance" i.e. terrorism because it is ineffective, not because it is immoral. Anyone who does not recognize the moral depravity of acts like blowing up public buses, knifing civilians in the street, and deliberately ramming a car to kill its occupants.... cannot be part of any peaceful solution. In Jonathan Kuttab's world, these are not acts of terrorism, these are acts of resistance against "softer targets".
All that aside, let's consider Jonathan Kuttab's recommendations for Israel to work toward a one-state solution. The first four all discuss removing security measures that were implemented to address terrorism. That makes sense in Kuttab's alternate reality in which terrorism doesn't exist. The fifth is "Creating new legislative and constitutional guarantees for equality inside Israel itself, and making the promise of equality in Israel’s Declaration of Independence operational and binding." Israel still does not have a constitution. Writing a constitution is important but not urgent. As such, it has been sidelined due to other more urgent priorities. I agree Israel should write a constitution and it should include and expand resisting protections for minorities. It is interesting to note that Kuttab never addresses the huge disparity between the rights of women and LGBTQ+ individuals in Israel vs. Palestinian-controlled territories. In his chapter on Constitutional Guarantees, the needs of these groups are completely ignored. Finally, Kuttab argues "Making all residents of the West Bank, including Jewish settlers, subject to the same laws, administered by civil, not military courts." He does not elaborate on how this would be different from full annexation or if this would include dismantling the Palestinian Authority. Without more detail, it is impossible to determine how he envisions this being actualized.
In Ch 9-10, Kuttab describes the importance of secular marriage and divorce in his vision for a one-state solution, but he leaves this out of the Israel Action Program in Ch 14. This is a measure that can and should be implemented in Israel regardless of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for a variety of different reasons that affect diverse groups of Israelis.
Finally, it is important to note the largest logical fallacy in Kutabb's argument. He argues that the existence of settlements in Area C has killed the 2 state solution because "To uproot them now would be so disruptive of the lives of the settlers, their children, and the entire fabric of Jewish Israeli society that it is difficult to contemplate. If an Israeli government were to attempt it, the effect would be so disruptive that it may well plunge the country into civil war." Kutabb does not contemplate the possibility of a Palestinian state with a 12% Jewish minority, which would be far less than the Arab minority in Israel. Kutabb also does not acknowledge that most of the Jews in the West Bank live in areas close to each other and with some minor land swaps, much fewer individuals would need to be relocated. Did you know that Israelis living over the Green Line can't get conventional mortgages from Israeli banks because of the possibility that they would need to be relocated? Furthermore, if as Kutabbs argues a two-state solution would cause a civil war in Israel, how can a one-state solution be implemented peacefully?
I went into the book with an open mind, willing to thoughtfully consider what he had to say. The first 8 chapters describe some background on the conflict, his perception of obstacles to the two-state solution, and the requirements of groups of people. This section contains multiple misrepresentations, omissions, and blatantly false statements. These are too many to enumerate here.
Some omissions can be excused given the length of the book, but one is inexcusable. The book omits any discussion of Palestinian terrorism in general, the first and second Intifadas, the frequent rocket attacks from Gaza, and the discrimination against and persecution of Jews in Arab and Muslim countries. In Jonathan Kuttab's book, the Israeli demand for security is either a remnant of Holocaust trauma or a smokescreen for territorial maximalism. In contrast, Jonathan Kuttab chooses to devote a whole chapter to the behavior by extremist Jews portraying them as the downfall of the two-state solution. Later in his action program toward a one state solution, Kuttab writes "Palestinians need to rethink their attitudes towards some of the settlers, who often resemble a cross section of Israeli society, and not just its extremists." (page 84) Yet, in Chapter 3, Kuttab himself is guilty of "demonizing all settlers".
As I was reading, I was faced with the question is Jonathan Kuttab ignorant, naively idealistic, or deliberately deceitful. On page 86, there is clear evidence of his appalling lack of moral clarity, which is evidence that his efforts are likely deliberately deceitful. Jonathan Kuttab advocates that Palestinians abandon "armed resistance" i.e. terrorism because it is ineffective, not because it is immoral. Anyone who does not recognize the moral depravity of acts like blowing up public buses, knifing civilians in the street, and deliberately ramming a car to kill its occupants.... cannot be part of any peaceful solution. In Jonathan Kuttab's world, these are not acts of terrorism, these are acts of resistance against "softer targets".
All that aside, let's consider Jonathan Kuttab's recommendations for Israel to work toward a one-state solution. The first four all discuss removing security measures that were implemented to address terrorism. That makes sense in Kuttab's alternate reality in which terrorism doesn't exist. The fifth is "Creating new legislative and constitutional guarantees for equality inside Israel itself, and making the promise of equality in Israel’s Declaration of Independence operational and binding." Israel still does not have a constitution. Writing a constitution is important but not urgent. As such, it has been sidelined due to other more urgent priorities. I agree Israel should write a constitution and it should include and expand resisting protections for minorities. It is interesting to note that Kuttab never addresses the huge disparity between the rights of women and LGBTQ+ individuals in Israel vs. Palestinian-controlled territories. In his chapter on Constitutional Guarantees, the needs of these groups are completely ignored. Finally, Kuttab argues "Making all residents of the West Bank, including Jewish settlers, subject to the same laws, administered by civil, not military courts." He does not elaborate on how this would be different from full annexation or if this would include dismantling the Palestinian Authority. Without more detail, it is impossible to determine how he envisions this being actualized.
In Ch 9-10, Kuttab describes the importance of secular marriage and divorce in his vision for a one-state solution, but he leaves this out of the Israel Action Program in Ch 14. This is a measure that can and should be implemented in Israel regardless of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for a variety of different reasons that affect diverse groups of Israelis.
Finally, it is important to note the largest logical fallacy in Kutabb's argument. He argues that the existence of settlements in Area C has killed the 2 state solution because "To uproot them now would be so disruptive of the lives of the settlers, their children, and the entire fabric of Jewish Israeli society that it is difficult to contemplate. If an Israeli government were to attempt it, the effect would be so disruptive that it may well plunge the country into civil war." Kutabb does not contemplate the possibility of a Palestinian state with a 12% Jewish minority, which would be far less than the Arab minority in Israel. Kutabb also does not acknowledge that most of the Jews in the West Bank live in areas close to each other and with some minor land swaps, much fewer individuals would need to be relocated. Did you know that Israelis living over the Green Line can't get conventional mortgages from Israeli banks because of the possibility that they would need to be relocated? Furthermore, if as Kutabbs argues a two-state solution would cause a civil war in Israel, how can a one-state solution be implemented peacefully?
October 1, 2024
Jonathan Kuttab's Book - Beyond the Two-State Solution (nonviolenceinternational.net)
https://www.nonviolenceinternational....
I am not a Palestinian. I will not therefore tell Palestinians what the path to their liberation should look like after decades of suffering under Israeli occupation, apartheid and oppression. Palestinians have a wide range of ideas of what the solution to the Palestinian-Israeli would be. Jonathan Kuttab, a prominent Palestinian Human Rights lawyer has presented one idea in his book Beyond the Two-State Solution (nonviolenceinternational.net) (available for free on nonviolenceinternational.net). Again, I have not read about any other comprehensive ideas to resolve the decades long oppression and occupation of the Palestinian people. Jonathan Kuttab, keeping the realities on the ground in mind, presents an idea of a single-state solution. He does his best to reconcile the Palestinian rights and Zionist aspirations. He starts from a single assumed fact: 7 million Palestinians are not going anywhere and 7 million Jews are not going anywhere. Even if the wishes of the most fundamentalist elements on either side somehow come true, and may be a million or even two million Palestinians or Jews are removed, it's a safe bet to assume that most of either party is not going anywhere. It is also assumed that no one should have superiority over another. A Palestinian and a Jew must have equal rights. With these two key assumptions in mind, Jonathan Kuttab presents a detailed plan on how a single state, with 7 million Palestinians and 7 million Jews would work - where both would have equal rights.
Both would participate in the police and military, and all other ministries in the government with equal power. Both would work in a ministry dedicated to equality. Protection for both would be enshrined in the constitution. Jews would become a minority in this state, but, protection for them, and for all other minorities will be enshrined in the constitution. Both would have equal rights. Palestinians would have the right to return. Jews would continue to have the right to immigrate from other countries. Again, these rights would be enshrined in the constitution so that they can't be reversed by a future government. This is the most practical, most just, and most viable solution I have personally read about. When everyone has equal rights, then, the world can finally move on with peace and prosperity in the region. Is the plan perfect? I don't think so. Is there room for improvement so that Palestinians are provided justice? Absolutely. Jonathan Kuttab has however put something together that seems to be most viable, most realistic, and most just. Even if it's used as a starting point, it's far better than any other proposals that I have personally read about.
https://www.nonviolenceinternational....
I am not a Palestinian. I will not therefore tell Palestinians what the path to their liberation should look like after decades of suffering under Israeli occupation, apartheid and oppression. Palestinians have a wide range of ideas of what the solution to the Palestinian-Israeli would be. Jonathan Kuttab, a prominent Palestinian Human Rights lawyer has presented one idea in his book Beyond the Two-State Solution (nonviolenceinternational.net) (available for free on nonviolenceinternational.net). Again, I have not read about any other comprehensive ideas to resolve the decades long oppression and occupation of the Palestinian people. Jonathan Kuttab, keeping the realities on the ground in mind, presents an idea of a single-state solution. He does his best to reconcile the Palestinian rights and Zionist aspirations. He starts from a single assumed fact: 7 million Palestinians are not going anywhere and 7 million Jews are not going anywhere. Even if the wishes of the most fundamentalist elements on either side somehow come true, and may be a million or even two million Palestinians or Jews are removed, it's a safe bet to assume that most of either party is not going anywhere. It is also assumed that no one should have superiority over another. A Palestinian and a Jew must have equal rights. With these two key assumptions in mind, Jonathan Kuttab presents a detailed plan on how a single state, with 7 million Palestinians and 7 million Jews would work - where both would have equal rights.
Both would participate in the police and military, and all other ministries in the government with equal power. Both would work in a ministry dedicated to equality. Protection for both would be enshrined in the constitution. Jews would become a minority in this state, but, protection for them, and for all other minorities will be enshrined in the constitution. Both would have equal rights. Palestinians would have the right to return. Jews would continue to have the right to immigrate from other countries. Again, these rights would be enshrined in the constitution so that they can't be reversed by a future government. This is the most practical, most just, and most viable solution I have personally read about. When everyone has equal rights, then, the world can finally move on with peace and prosperity in the region. Is the plan perfect? I don't think so. Is there room for improvement so that Palestinians are provided justice? Absolutely. Jonathan Kuttab has however put something together that seems to be most viable, most realistic, and most just. Even if it's used as a starting point, it's far better than any other proposals that I have personally read about.
October 25, 2023
Jonathan Kuttab, a Palestinian peace activist, puts forth a proposal for peace in this book that takes into consideration both the history and barriers to peace I the region of Israel- Palestinian. For a variety of reasons explains, he rejects the two-state solution as not plausible and puts forth his proposal for the Israelis and Palestinians to live together in peace under one government that equally shares and governs both sides. While admittedly overly optimistic, Kultab calls upon the longing for peace at the heart of most people in the region and calls those in power to step back and let peace be achieved by the people on the ground who are deprived and suffer most by the ongoing war between the two sides.
January 15, 2024
This book/monograph is an excellent, well-balance, account of the positions of the two "parties" to the conflict - as well as an explanation of why the much touted "two-state solution" will not work. It was written before the current war in Gaza but, even so, it offers understanding as to what led to that conflict, as well as what a possible "endgame" could look like. Definitely worth taking an hour or two to peruse it!
January 15, 2022
A thoughtful, thorough, and insightful proposal for addressing the failure of the two state solution by offering a comprehensive proposal for a one state incorporating Jews and Palestinians into a democratic and just nation.
January 12, 2025
Interesting read I guess. His basic premise was there was no way to have a 2 state solution because it would be to traumatizing to remove the settlers…
In light of the genocide Israel is currently undertaking it leaves the conclusions as very magical thinking.
In light of the genocide Israel is currently undertaking it leaves the conclusions as very magical thinking.
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