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The Persistence of Caste: The Khairlanji Murders and India's Hidden Apartheid
While the caste system has been formally abolished under the Indian constitution, according to official statistics, every eighteen minutes a crime is committed in India on a member of the dalit caste.
The Persistence of Caste uses the shocking case of “Khairlanji,” the brutal murder of an entire Dalit family in 2006, to explode the myth that caste is a feudal relic, and argues that it has been well assimilated not only by capitalist India, but also Globalising India—spreading out through the diaspora. The author argues that anti-caste activism itself has reflected and reinforced the worst stereotypes, identifying foes and friends in obsolete terms, and that in post-independence India, the authority of Caste has found a new ally—the state and its police.
This shocking and insightful new analysis will not only provide a fascinating introduction into the issue of caste in a globalised world, but will sharpen any readers' understanding of caste dynamics as they actually exist.
The Persistence of Caste uses the shocking case of “Khairlanji,” the brutal murder of an entire Dalit family in 2006, to explode the myth that caste is a feudal relic, and argues that it has been well assimilated not only by capitalist India, but also Globalising India—spreading out through the diaspora. The author argues that anti-caste activism itself has reflected and reinforced the worst stereotypes, identifying foes and friends in obsolete terms, and that in post-independence India, the authority of Caste has found a new ally—the state and its police.
This shocking and insightful new analysis will not only provide a fascinating introduction into the issue of caste in a globalised world, but will sharpen any readers' understanding of caste dynamics as they actually exist.
214 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2010
17 people are currently reading
717 people want to read
About the author
Anand Teltumbde
22 books101 followersAnand Teltumbde is a leading public intellectual and is known for his critical insights on many a contemporary issue. A civil rights activist of long standing, he is currently General Secretary of the Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR). He is also associated with the All India Forum for Rights to Education (AIFRTE), which is spearheading the movement for common school system, as a member of its Presidium and many other Peoples’ movements.
A regular contributor to Economic and Political Weekly, wherein he writes a monthly column ‘Margin Speak’. He also regularly contributes to other progressive journals like Mainstream, Frontier, Seminar, etc. and most English and Marathi newspapers.
Some of his recent books are Dalits: past, Present and Future (Routledge, 2016), Mahad: Making of the First Dalit Revolt (Aakar, 2016), Persistence of Caste (Zed Books, 2010); Khairlanji: A Strange and Bitter Crop (Navayana, 2008); Anti-Imperialism and Annihilation of Castes (Ramai, 2005); and Hindutva and Dalits: Perspectives for Understanding Communal Praxis, (Ed) (Samya, 2005). He is widely translated into most Indian languages.
He has been a CEO of a holding company. After his corporate stint, he joined IIT, Kharagpur, where he teaches Business Management.
A regular contributor to Economic and Political Weekly, wherein he writes a monthly column ‘Margin Speak’. He also regularly contributes to other progressive journals like Mainstream, Frontier, Seminar, etc. and most English and Marathi newspapers.
Some of his recent books are Dalits: past, Present and Future (Routledge, 2016), Mahad: Making of the First Dalit Revolt (Aakar, 2016), Persistence of Caste (Zed Books, 2010); Khairlanji: A Strange and Bitter Crop (Navayana, 2008); Anti-Imperialism and Annihilation of Castes (Ramai, 2005); and Hindutva and Dalits: Perspectives for Understanding Communal Praxis, (Ed) (Samya, 2005). He is widely translated into most Indian languages.
He has been a CEO of a holding company. After his corporate stint, he joined IIT, Kharagpur, where he teaches Business Management.
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Displaying 1 - 21 of 21 reviews
November 15, 2021
"Globalization, as a process of 'accumulation by dispossession' enriches the elite but impoverishes the poor. In order to contain mass discontent, it needs an effective ideological state apparatus to hold the masses in conformity. The ideology of caste, with its proven prowess in benumbing entire populations into acquiescence with their own exploitation, can only be seen as complementary to it."
Using the brutal massacre in Khairlanji in the state of Maharashtra, Teltumbde excavates caste in the 21st Century and a country still in the grip of discriminatory and murderous social stratification. Anti-Dalit attitudes are imbued in every aspect of state machinery, supposed protectors furthering atrocity. He particularly examines caste's mutability under globalization and the creation of new oppressors which maintain the decided power imbalance between the savarna and the avarna.
He also indicts the Indian civil society for its gross negligence, even complicity, and their massively misplaced faith in modernity that has made the problem more insidious where anti-Dalit violence turns into a public spectacle. It is quite unfortunate that eleven years after publication, Teltumbde's words remain truer than ever. We're still searching for solutions to these problems, but believing in the same myths and getting caught up in the same old dead ends. I hope, there is still time to heed.
November 19, 2018
This book explores the atrocities committed against the dailts in India in recent times. Centered around the ghastly Khairlangi massacre of 2006, the book busts several myths that make us believe that caste based oppression is passe. Drawing from a credible list of sources, the author explains how the state and its very institutions (administration, police, judiciary) meant to safeguard the dalits against oppression often turn oppressors. In spite of having a liberal Constitution as also enactment of strong pieces of legislation to prevent caste based atrocities, the book reveals how various loopholes still exist which are suitably exploited by the perpetrators to their advantage in collusion with police and judiciary thereby resulting in a poor conviction rates vis-a-vis the crimes committed. In the twenty first century India, where economic growth catalysed by the reforms of the early Nineties was expected to dilute the caste based discrimination, its surprising to note a sustained rise in acts of violence against the dalits often bearing castiest undertones to varying degrees. The book paints a gloomy picture of India's future if no drastic measures are taken to curb the growing discontent among the poor masses arising out of a sense of alienation and exploitation which has already begun to be diverted towards the naxalite cause.
October 6, 2020
Especially relevant after what happened last month. Prof Anand writes a scathing review, of Indian society, which is unfortunately ageing very well.
September 24, 2020
Wow! finally reading Anand Teltumbde and I can see why the govt wants him locked up. Utterly magnificent clarity. Highly recommend. Gonna read Republic of Caste next.
November 23, 2012
The Persistence of Caste; The Khairlanji Murders & India’s Hidden Appartheid. Anand Teltumbde, Zed Books, 2010
Reviewed by Graham Mulligan
The introduction section of this short book (192 pages) is important. It is a condensed history of Caste in India. The word ‘caste’ is from Latin castus, and in Portugese means ‘pure’ or ‘chaste’. The early Portugese explorers thought it was like ‘race’ or lineage (blood based). They were wrong; but it is a form of social stratification, which this book explores in detail with respect to how history now shapes the idea and reality.
The Indian word for caste is jati, which is often confused with varna. Varna refers to the four classes of Hindu scripture. They are professional orders: Brahmins (priestly castes); kshatriyas (warrior castes); vaishyas (business or trading castes); and shudras (working castes like artisans, agriculturalists, hunters, fishers and the like). However, there are thousands of jatis.
The three upper varnas were called dwija, the twice born, denoting the ‘second birth’ of the ceremony upanayana, which marks entry into the world of formal learning – education. Only men could do this! Shudras could not participate. In addition, those excluded form the caste system, the ‘outcastes’ (dalits) could not participate either. Nor did it include the tribes people. The ‘unclean’ jobs of Indian society (everything to do with decay and death) were done by these ‘untouchables’.
The ideology of the Hindu religion and philosophy underlies this belief in privilege and oppression. The ideas of karma (one’s status in this life is based on previous deeds and reincarnation), and dharma (religious duty) meant that discharging one’s caste obligations was paramount. Interestingly, caste boundaries (who’s in, who’s out) are elastic. Contemporary caste reality, therefore, is a product of many historical and current realities.
The Indian Constitution (1950) listed Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes and sought to be progressive in protecting groups from oppression, yet it has not succeeded. Under British colonialism several movements attempted to modify or eliminate caste distinctions but were really only focused on the notion of untouchability. Yet some movement did occur through opening opportunities for economic betterment and education. Jobs in the army or as servants were often better than life on the margins in villages.
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891-1956) was born dalit and untouchable but rose through education (Columbia University and London School of Economics). He was law minister in the all-party government that took power in 1948, but soon resigned. He had hoped to transform Indian politics to a ‘politics of class’ away from a ‘politics of identity’. Dalits and other working people would be united in a party of workers. The movement fragmented into sub-groups, but did succeed in one constituency, Uttar Pradesh, as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), in 2007.
Today, the caste system looks very different but appears to have one highly disturbing feature, the human rights violation directed toward the lowest group, the dalits. Too often this takes a vicious form with mass murder and torture but somehow remaining immune form the law, particularly at a village level or state level.
The author points to the self-congratulatory narrative of globalization as a significant cause of this disturbing trend. Pitched as a triumphal force for democracy and capitalism, responsible for integrating all and everyone into a ‘global village’, globalization promotes neoliberal values that are supposed to weaken the caste system. Everywhere, however, we see it as working only for the elite and dominant in societies across the globe (Europe, USA, and China all show similar effects of distorted economies). The narrative goes on to say that the weak and the poor are where they are by their own choice, an outcome of their own individual action or inaction. This is a “reiteration in modern idiom” of the Hindu metaphysical doctrine of karma and dharma.
In India, the lower classes, whether in cities or villages, face a crisis of livlihood. Closure of small-scale industries (artisans) and downsizing, outsourcing, contractization in capitalist industries has made jobs informal and income uncertain. Communal identity (Hindu, Muslim, etc) has strengthened and with it caste and religious prejudice. In periods of great uncertainty like this people turn to gods and godmen.
The economic and political effects of caste is far-reaching. Professions still align with castes with only minimal blurring at the edges. It is possible to find a dalit who, through education, has advanced socially and may hold a high office, but it is unlikely that a Brahmin, though poor, would do a menial job traditionally reserved for dalits. Caste also has an economic reach that touches enterprise at its heart. 80% of Indian enterprise is not financed by bank credit, but by caste networks.
The central event of this book is an atrocity committed against a dalit family group in a village called Khairlanji, Maharastra State. The author retells the events of the killings, the police response, or lack of response, and the overall society response, political and civil, including the lack of response by the dalit leadership. It was a protest led by dalit women that finally brought the murders to the spotlight of national attention.
The police and state response was to link the protests to ‘Naxalite conspiracy’. To call something ‘Naxalite’ had become in India, since 2006, an excuse for police brutality against anyone they perceived as ‘left leaning’. In 2006 the Indian prime minister, Mohan Singh, called Naxalism the biggest threat to internal security in India. Widespread protests were met with fierce police suppression and media denials or misrepresentations of the facts. “Discussing caste crimes and the everyday murders of dalits does not offer the consumers of television any pleasure. On the contrary, it reduces the pleasure factor by inducing guilt”.
As it has in the West, India is funneling huge amounts of funding into ‘anti-terrorism’ under the pretext that the Naxalite threat justifies such expenditure. At the same time the economic growth that is enriching the top 20% of society is attributed to the free market economy, while 77% live on less than 20 rupees a day (about 40 cents, US). Dalits have long been active in resisting social inequalities, even prior to the beginning of the Naxalite movement in 1967.
In the final chapter, ‘Exploding Myths’, the author explains how the Indian system of ‘representation’ or reserved quotas for OBC’s (Other Backward Castes) and ST’s (Scheduled Tribes) in the civil service has not produced the desired ‘uplift’ of these groups. Many of the government and police officials in the Khairlanji case were dalit. The pressure to uphold ‘the system’ kept them form assuming any kind of pro-dalit posture.
Reviewed by Graham Mulligan
The introduction section of this short book (192 pages) is important. It is a condensed history of Caste in India. The word ‘caste’ is from Latin castus, and in Portugese means ‘pure’ or ‘chaste’. The early Portugese explorers thought it was like ‘race’ or lineage (blood based). They were wrong; but it is a form of social stratification, which this book explores in detail with respect to how history now shapes the idea and reality.
The Indian word for caste is jati, which is often confused with varna. Varna refers to the four classes of Hindu scripture. They are professional orders: Brahmins (priestly castes); kshatriyas (warrior castes); vaishyas (business or trading castes); and shudras (working castes like artisans, agriculturalists, hunters, fishers and the like). However, there are thousands of jatis.
The three upper varnas were called dwija, the twice born, denoting the ‘second birth’ of the ceremony upanayana, which marks entry into the world of formal learning – education. Only men could do this! Shudras could not participate. In addition, those excluded form the caste system, the ‘outcastes’ (dalits) could not participate either. Nor did it include the tribes people. The ‘unclean’ jobs of Indian society (everything to do with decay and death) were done by these ‘untouchables’.
The ideology of the Hindu religion and philosophy underlies this belief in privilege and oppression. The ideas of karma (one’s status in this life is based on previous deeds and reincarnation), and dharma (religious duty) meant that discharging one’s caste obligations was paramount. Interestingly, caste boundaries (who’s in, who’s out) are elastic. Contemporary caste reality, therefore, is a product of many historical and current realities.
The Indian Constitution (1950) listed Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes and sought to be progressive in protecting groups from oppression, yet it has not succeeded. Under British colonialism several movements attempted to modify or eliminate caste distinctions but were really only focused on the notion of untouchability. Yet some movement did occur through opening opportunities for economic betterment and education. Jobs in the army or as servants were often better than life on the margins in villages.
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891-1956) was born dalit and untouchable but rose through education (Columbia University and London School of Economics). He was law minister in the all-party government that took power in 1948, but soon resigned. He had hoped to transform Indian politics to a ‘politics of class’ away from a ‘politics of identity’. Dalits and other working people would be united in a party of workers. The movement fragmented into sub-groups, but did succeed in one constituency, Uttar Pradesh, as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), in 2007.
Today, the caste system looks very different but appears to have one highly disturbing feature, the human rights violation directed toward the lowest group, the dalits. Too often this takes a vicious form with mass murder and torture but somehow remaining immune form the law, particularly at a village level or state level.
The author points to the self-congratulatory narrative of globalization as a significant cause of this disturbing trend. Pitched as a triumphal force for democracy and capitalism, responsible for integrating all and everyone into a ‘global village’, globalization promotes neoliberal values that are supposed to weaken the caste system. Everywhere, however, we see it as working only for the elite and dominant in societies across the globe (Europe, USA, and China all show similar effects of distorted economies). The narrative goes on to say that the weak and the poor are where they are by their own choice, an outcome of their own individual action or inaction. This is a “reiteration in modern idiom” of the Hindu metaphysical doctrine of karma and dharma.
In India, the lower classes, whether in cities or villages, face a crisis of livlihood. Closure of small-scale industries (artisans) and downsizing, outsourcing, contractization in capitalist industries has made jobs informal and income uncertain. Communal identity (Hindu, Muslim, etc) has strengthened and with it caste and religious prejudice. In periods of great uncertainty like this people turn to gods and godmen.
The economic and political effects of caste is far-reaching. Professions still align with castes with only minimal blurring at the edges. It is possible to find a dalit who, through education, has advanced socially and may hold a high office, but it is unlikely that a Brahmin, though poor, would do a menial job traditionally reserved for dalits. Caste also has an economic reach that touches enterprise at its heart. 80% of Indian enterprise is not financed by bank credit, but by caste networks.
The central event of this book is an atrocity committed against a dalit family group in a village called Khairlanji, Maharastra State. The author retells the events of the killings, the police response, or lack of response, and the overall society response, political and civil, including the lack of response by the dalit leadership. It was a protest led by dalit women that finally brought the murders to the spotlight of national attention.
The police and state response was to link the protests to ‘Naxalite conspiracy’. To call something ‘Naxalite’ had become in India, since 2006, an excuse for police brutality against anyone they perceived as ‘left leaning’. In 2006 the Indian prime minister, Mohan Singh, called Naxalism the biggest threat to internal security in India. Widespread protests were met with fierce police suppression and media denials or misrepresentations of the facts. “Discussing caste crimes and the everyday murders of dalits does not offer the consumers of television any pleasure. On the contrary, it reduces the pleasure factor by inducing guilt”.
As it has in the West, India is funneling huge amounts of funding into ‘anti-terrorism’ under the pretext that the Naxalite threat justifies such expenditure. At the same time the economic growth that is enriching the top 20% of society is attributed to the free market economy, while 77% live on less than 20 rupees a day (about 40 cents, US). Dalits have long been active in resisting social inequalities, even prior to the beginning of the Naxalite movement in 1967.
In the final chapter, ‘Exploding Myths’, the author explains how the Indian system of ‘representation’ or reserved quotas for OBC’s (Other Backward Castes) and ST’s (Scheduled Tribes) in the civil service has not produced the desired ‘uplift’ of these groups. Many of the government and police officials in the Khairlanji case were dalit. The pressure to uphold ‘the system’ kept them form assuming any kind of pro-dalit posture.
December 1, 2018
the only way i’d be able to shut up about this book is if i were to physically eat it so only time will tell
March 21, 2018
Brilliant analysis of the Khairlanji incident where a family of rural Dalits were raped, tortured and then murdered by the other caste Hindus in the village. Teltumbde outlines carefully the complicity of the local administration in ignoring the conflicts and the warnings that led up to the atrocity and then subsequently where the legal and police machinery of the state did their utmost to block, slow down and then cover up the reality of the incident and then attempted to avoid bringing the charged to any form of justice.
Also important is Teltumbde's analysis of why conventional answers that are meant to remove the persistence of caste; such as globalisation and economic development, bahujan politics, reservations and adminstrative meliorative measures have not done much to improve the situation. In many cases, such as the spread of agrarian capitalism in the countryside and growing prosperity for those with investible surpluses after the neo-liberal reforms; have actually accentuated caste conflict in the countryside. His explanation of the contradiction between OBCs who have benefited most from the Green Revolution and are the main landowners in the countryside and Dalits who form the bulk of the agricultural labouring classes indicates very clearly why OBC-Dalit political alliances along the lines of Kanshi Ram's Bahujan Samaj rarely, if ever, work in practice.
Also important is Teltumbde's analysis of why conventional answers that are meant to remove the persistence of caste; such as globalisation and economic development, bahujan politics, reservations and adminstrative meliorative measures have not done much to improve the situation. In many cases, such as the spread of agrarian capitalism in the countryside and growing prosperity for those with investible surpluses after the neo-liberal reforms; have actually accentuated caste conflict in the countryside. His explanation of the contradiction between OBCs who have benefited most from the Green Revolution and are the main landowners in the countryside and Dalits who form the bulk of the agricultural labouring classes indicates very clearly why OBC-Dalit political alliances along the lines of Kanshi Ram's Bahujan Samaj rarely, if ever, work in practice.
October 27, 2024
I will never be able to read a book about caste atrocities without being riled up to the point of tears.
October 7, 2015
Anand Teltumbde’s research is impeccable. He shows how caste ideology has survived every political system since 1500 BC. Using an account of the 2006 massacre of the Bhotmange family as focal point, Teltumbde shows that the caste system remains as murderous today as it was in its earliest times. Political correctness and other social mandates have backfired and have even made caste ideology more sinister.
July 3, 2025
Must read for anyone who doesn't know what India is cursed with and also those who think they know what the curse is.
September 13, 2020
Anand Teltumbde, in this important book (written in 2010), talks in details about one of the extremely barbarous infamous heart-wrenching caste atrocity post-independence that is Khairlanji Massacre (2006), and about what in the actual lead to it; He also talks in length about the Anti-Dalit attitude of the state and its machinery -in general- in details, and how they acted as evil predators -when they were supposed to be the protectors- against the Dalits all throughout this case; And he also alongside tries decoding and dismantling many superficial myths regarding the caste system and myths regarding everything related to caste system - taking this massacre as an example. Everything that he talks about in this book a decade ago still stands true and valid even today. A MUST READ.
June 18, 2024
Such a hard book to get through because the hatred is disturbing to read about.
I am grateful to know the truth despite the Indian Governments denials of any cover up.
The entire chain of the bureaucracy at Khairlanji, staffed with dalits, failed to deliver at every possible step. This is another of the issues, dalits with power cover their asses first.
Investigative journalism at it's very best.
I am grateful to know the truth despite the Indian Governments denials of any cover up.
The entire chain of the bureaucracy at Khairlanji, staffed with dalits, failed to deliver at every possible step. This is another of the issues, dalits with power cover their asses first.
Investigative journalism at it's very best.
June 16, 2025
This is an extremely detailed account of the interlinkages between casteism, neoliberalism, and the melding of the two into a state apparatus eager to prove its allegiance. This book highlights the calculated synergy of every action within the system, and how individualism further alienates us from a future that is possible.
July 5, 2020
Necessary read to understand the privilege that we have. It beautifully break downs the myth that caste no longer matters in the neoliberalism stage of India
June 10, 2021
Clearly written, very insightful and persuasive, I found his analysis on neoliberalism and its impact on caste dynamics very compelling.
July 23, 2021
the analysis and unpacking of the khairlanji massacre was so informative! I learned so much about the relationship between modern day caste and capitalism.
August 13, 2023
The book brings out the untold side of the oppression by state as well as the villagers of khairlanji
Must read to understand why india would remain backward due to caste consciousness
Must read to understand why india would remain backward due to caste consciousness
January 22, 2024
The 190 odd page book could be a 50 page book. Highly repetitive. First chapter makes the full case persuasively, with data and solid arguments. The rest of the book feels like repetition.
September 5, 2021
What clarity! How insightful! Teltumbde is a genius… A highly recommended read for anyone who wants to understand caste struggle in India.
May 17, 2016
This can almost be read as a complementary text to B.R. Ambedkar's The Annihilation of Caste, for the work, while recognizing Ambedkar's importance and relevance to the Dalit mindset and daily life, also lets out in no uncertain terms that Ambedkarism has progressively been rendered insufficient (if not completely irrelevant) by caste enduring modernization and neoliberalism.
A. Teltumbde sees caste-based horror killings as mostly featuring borderliners as the two sides: the Dalits (avarnas) as the victims and the Shudras (lowest rung of the chaturvarna) as the oppressors. The Shudras have benefited from relationship changes due to modernization in the post-independence era; the status, the power and the pelf that quite a few of them have gotten out of being "owners" and "entrepreneurs" in the agricultural space provide reasons enough for them to continue being staunch defendants of the status quo quite like the Brahmins of the past and the present.
The Shudras can be seen as a partial victory of the globalization model; this model flatters to deceive in the case of the Dalits and Adivasis. A. Teltumbde spends quite a bit of time dissecting the existential crises faced by the ex-untouchables both while playing to the system and fighting it. The psychology of the two sides is beautifully brought out.
The Khairlanji massacre (and rape) is abstracted frequently enough to address the issues discussed above and some more. The failure of the bahujan concept, the irony of naxalism at the existential level, the State's cartoonish demonizing of naxals and the naxal masks that it puts on the destitute to render their Dalit/Adivasi identities "obsolete" are some of the more interesting perspectives provided by the author.
Sure there are data included that could have been dissected a bit more to reveal "truths" better, and pseudo-logical fallacies and tautological academic writing in spots that could have been avoided. These do not take anything away from the uncomfortable questions that A. Teltumbde asks of all the chest-thumping, superpower status desiring nationalists. The fact that the scope of these uncomfortable questions extends even to the Dalits just adds to the importance of this mini-classic.
A. Teltumbde sees caste-based horror killings as mostly featuring borderliners as the two sides: the Dalits (avarnas) as the victims and the Shudras (lowest rung of the chaturvarna) as the oppressors. The Shudras have benefited from relationship changes due to modernization in the post-independence era; the status, the power and the pelf that quite a few of them have gotten out of being "owners" and "entrepreneurs" in the agricultural space provide reasons enough for them to continue being staunch defendants of the status quo quite like the Brahmins of the past and the present.
The Shudras can be seen as a partial victory of the globalization model; this model flatters to deceive in the case of the Dalits and Adivasis. A. Teltumbde spends quite a bit of time dissecting the existential crises faced by the ex-untouchables both while playing to the system and fighting it. The psychology of the two sides is beautifully brought out.
The Khairlanji massacre (and rape) is abstracted frequently enough to address the issues discussed above and some more. The failure of the bahujan concept, the irony of naxalism at the existential level, the State's cartoonish demonizing of naxals and the naxal masks that it puts on the destitute to render their Dalit/Adivasi identities "obsolete" are some of the more interesting perspectives provided by the author.
Sure there are data included that could have been dissected a bit more to reveal "truths" better, and pseudo-logical fallacies and tautological academic writing in spots that could have been avoided. These do not take anything away from the uncomfortable questions that A. Teltumbde asks of all the chest-thumping, superpower status desiring nationalists. The fact that the scope of these uncomfortable questions extends even to the Dalits just adds to the importance of this mini-classic.
May 23, 2014
Khairlanji Murders and many more of such caste atrocities: our reality, India's everyday reality.
The world needs more tolerance and the word caste needs to be removed from the dictionary.
The world needs more tolerance and the word caste needs to be removed from the dictionary.
Displaying 1 - 21 of 21 reviews