Christopher Zoukis's Blog - Posts Tagged "sentencing-project"
State Prisons Have High Rates of Minority Prisoners, study affirms
The Sentencing Project, a Washington-based non-profit group, on June 14 released a landmark study of the racial and ethnic characteristics of inmates in state prisons, which found African-Americans are on average incarcerated at a rate more than five times higher (5.1, to be precise) than the rate for whites.
The study compared Census state population data with results from the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics’ National Prisoners Series survey, which annually compiles data on state prison populations; it used data from the 2014 survey. It then calculated each state’s average rate of incarceration for whites, blacks and Hispanics, per 100,000 of population.
Census data shows the nation’s general population is 62% white, 17% Hispanic, and 13% black. According to the Justice survey, state prison population overall is 38% black, 35% white, and 21% Hispanic. While African-Americans do not constitute a majority of the overall population in any state, in 12 states they comprise a majority of state prison inmates.
Eight of those states are below the Mason-Dixon line (Alabama, both Carolinas, Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, and Virginia); the others where black inmates make up especially high percentages of state prison populations are Delaware, Illinois, Michigan, and New Jersey.
The study found blacks have an overall state prison incarceration rate of 1,408 per 100,000, compared with 378 for Hispanics and 275 for whites. But racial disparities vary widely from state to state. New Jersey state prisons have the nation’s most disproportionate ratio of black male inmates to white male inmates, with 12.2 times as many black prisoners as white prisoners.
Incarceration affects at least 5% of black males in 11 states. The overall average for state incarceration of black adult males is 1 in 26. In eleven states, at least 1 in 20 adult black males is in prison.
The state with the largest disparity for incarceration rates between blacks and whites is Oklahoma, which has the highest incarceration rates per 100,000 for both whites (580) and for blacks (2,625).
States where 10% or more of the black adult male population are incarcerated include Iowa, Minnesota, New Jersey, Vermont, and Wisconsin. Even the states which incarcerate the lowest overrepresentation of black males in their state prison populations (Hawaii’s 2.4 to 1 is the lowest), black prisoners are incarcerated at more than double the rate for white prisoners.
Hispanics also appear at an overall 1.4 times higher rate in state prisons than do whites, with have particularly high incarceration rates relative to whites in northeastern states such as Massachusetts (4.3 times higher), Connecticut (3.9 times), Pennsylvania (3.3 times), and New York (3.1 times). Latinos make up 61% of the state prison population in New Mexico, 42% in California and Arizona, and 20% or more in seven other states (Colorado, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Nevada, New York, Nevada, and Texas).
The report, The Color of Justice: Racial and Ethnic Disparity in State Prisons, identifies three main factors that may contribute to the racial and ethnic imbalances in the state prison populations: criminal justice policies and practices (such as three-strike laws or heavy penalties for drug-related offenses), structural disadvantages affecting minority groups (such as poverty and unemployment rates, and housing and education deficits), or disparate treatment in arrests, prosecutions or sentencing.
The study compared Census state population data with results from the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics’ National Prisoners Series survey, which annually compiles data on state prison populations; it used data from the 2014 survey. It then calculated each state’s average rate of incarceration for whites, blacks and Hispanics, per 100,000 of population.
Census data shows the nation’s general population is 62% white, 17% Hispanic, and 13% black. According to the Justice survey, state prison population overall is 38% black, 35% white, and 21% Hispanic. While African-Americans do not constitute a majority of the overall population in any state, in 12 states they comprise a majority of state prison inmates.
Eight of those states are below the Mason-Dixon line (Alabama, both Carolinas, Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, and Virginia); the others where black inmates make up especially high percentages of state prison populations are Delaware, Illinois, Michigan, and New Jersey.
The study found blacks have an overall state prison incarceration rate of 1,408 per 100,000, compared with 378 for Hispanics and 275 for whites. But racial disparities vary widely from state to state. New Jersey state prisons have the nation’s most disproportionate ratio of black male inmates to white male inmates, with 12.2 times as many black prisoners as white prisoners.
Incarceration affects at least 5% of black males in 11 states. The overall average for state incarceration of black adult males is 1 in 26. In eleven states, at least 1 in 20 adult black males is in prison.
The state with the largest disparity for incarceration rates between blacks and whites is Oklahoma, which has the highest incarceration rates per 100,000 for both whites (580) and for blacks (2,625).
States where 10% or more of the black adult male population are incarcerated include Iowa, Minnesota, New Jersey, Vermont, and Wisconsin. Even the states which incarcerate the lowest overrepresentation of black males in their state prison populations (Hawaii’s 2.4 to 1 is the lowest), black prisoners are incarcerated at more than double the rate for white prisoners.
Hispanics also appear at an overall 1.4 times higher rate in state prisons than do whites, with have particularly high incarceration rates relative to whites in northeastern states such as Massachusetts (4.3 times higher), Connecticut (3.9 times), Pennsylvania (3.3 times), and New York (3.1 times). Latinos make up 61% of the state prison population in New Mexico, 42% in California and Arizona, and 20% or more in seven other states (Colorado, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Nevada, New York, Nevada, and Texas).
The report, The Color of Justice: Racial and Ethnic Disparity in State Prisons, identifies three main factors that may contribute to the racial and ethnic imbalances in the state prison populations: criminal justice policies and practices (such as three-strike laws or heavy penalties for drug-related offenses), structural disadvantages affecting minority groups (such as poverty and unemployment rates, and housing and education deficits), or disparate treatment in arrests, prosecutions or sentencing.
More Than 6 Million Blocked From November Vote Due to Criminal Records
More than six million citizens will be handcuffed from voting this November.
After updating a study it did four years ago, The Sentencing Project released the estimated number of Americans that won’t be permitted to vote in this year’s elections due to their criminal records. Using new Census data on the voting age population, and adjusting for recent changes in state disenfranchisement laws, the study placed the number of disenfranchised ex-felons at 6.1 million.
The number of disenfranchised persons has climbed alongside the growth in incarceration totals. Forty years ago, an estimated 1.1 million people had lost their voting rights due to criminal convictions. Twenty years later, the total had risen to 3.3 million. In 2000, the number reached 4.7 million, rose to 5.4 million by 2004, and to 5.9 million by 2010, according to a study released in 2012 by some of the same authors of the most recent study.
Many will find it surprising that less than a quarter of these people — roughly 23% of those unable to vote due to criminal records — are currently incarcerated. The study indicated that 77% of the disenfranchised live among us in our nation’s communities. Those who have completed their sentences number nearly three million and make up 51% of the disenfranchised. Citizens on probation for felonies account for over 1.1 million — about 18% of the total. Over half a million, comprising about 8% of the total, are parolees.
State disenfranchisement rates for this year’s elections will vary substantially, largely due to differences in how broadly the state’s provisions apply. Fourteen states disenfranchise only those currently in prison, while four states also include those released on parole. Disenfranchisement laws in 18 more states also cover former inmates out on probation, and 12 states include former inmates who have completed their sentences, including parole or probation. Only Maine and Vermont currently let inmates vote in their elections, and thus have no disenfranchised voters.
Seven states disenfranchise less than half a percentage of their population, while the rates in the rates in six southern states hit over 7%. The new study notes that felony disenfranchisement laws “vary tremendously across racial and ethnic groups,” with more Hispanics and African-Americans affected. In some states — Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia — disenfranchisement rates for African Americans make up more than 20% of the voting age population, and that rate is 5% or higher in 23 states.
Despite the large and growing numbers of current or former inmates unable to vote, the trend in recent years has been to eliminate or reduce barriers to former prisoners’ voting. The best-known recent instance is Virginia governor Terry McAuliffe’s issuance of an executive order earlier this year, attempting to restore voting rights for all Virginians who had completed their sentences. However, after a court found that exceeded his legal powers, he issued separate orders restoring voting rights to nearly 13,000 individuals in August.
A number of states have begun processes to return voting rights to those with criminal records. In Alabama, legislators simplified the voting rights restoration process for those who had completed sentences for crimes not involving moral turpitude. California restored voting rights for convicted felons residing in jails (but not in prisons). Maryland lifted disenfranchisement for those on parole or probation. And Wyoming restored voting rights after five years for those who completed sentences for first-time, non-violent felonies.
After updating a study it did four years ago, The Sentencing Project released the estimated number of Americans that won’t be permitted to vote in this year’s elections due to their criminal records. Using new Census data on the voting age population, and adjusting for recent changes in state disenfranchisement laws, the study placed the number of disenfranchised ex-felons at 6.1 million.
The number of disenfranchised persons has climbed alongside the growth in incarceration totals. Forty years ago, an estimated 1.1 million people had lost their voting rights due to criminal convictions. Twenty years later, the total had risen to 3.3 million. In 2000, the number reached 4.7 million, rose to 5.4 million by 2004, and to 5.9 million by 2010, according to a study released in 2012 by some of the same authors of the most recent study.
Many will find it surprising that less than a quarter of these people — roughly 23% of those unable to vote due to criminal records — are currently incarcerated. The study indicated that 77% of the disenfranchised live among us in our nation’s communities. Those who have completed their sentences number nearly three million and make up 51% of the disenfranchised. Citizens on probation for felonies account for over 1.1 million — about 18% of the total. Over half a million, comprising about 8% of the total, are parolees.
State disenfranchisement rates for this year’s elections will vary substantially, largely due to differences in how broadly the state’s provisions apply. Fourteen states disenfranchise only those currently in prison, while four states also include those released on parole. Disenfranchisement laws in 18 more states also cover former inmates out on probation, and 12 states include former inmates who have completed their sentences, including parole or probation. Only Maine and Vermont currently let inmates vote in their elections, and thus have no disenfranchised voters.
Seven states disenfranchise less than half a percentage of their population, while the rates in the rates in six southern states hit over 7%. The new study notes that felony disenfranchisement laws “vary tremendously across racial and ethnic groups,” with more Hispanics and African-Americans affected. In some states — Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia — disenfranchisement rates for African Americans make up more than 20% of the voting age population, and that rate is 5% or higher in 23 states.
Despite the large and growing numbers of current or former inmates unable to vote, the trend in recent years has been to eliminate or reduce barriers to former prisoners’ voting. The best-known recent instance is Virginia governor Terry McAuliffe’s issuance of an executive order earlier this year, attempting to restore voting rights for all Virginians who had completed their sentences. However, after a court found that exceeded his legal powers, he issued separate orders restoring voting rights to nearly 13,000 individuals in August.
A number of states have begun processes to return voting rights to those with criminal records. In Alabama, legislators simplified the voting rights restoration process for those who had completed sentences for crimes not involving moral turpitude. California restored voting rights for convicted felons residing in jails (but not in prisons). Maryland lifted disenfranchisement for those on parole or probation. And Wyoming restored voting rights after five years for those who completed sentences for first-time, non-violent felonies.
